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lius  Caesar 






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J  IT 

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A.  W.  VERITY,  M.AJ^X) 





First  Edition,  Sept.  1895. 
Reprinted  Nov.  1895. 
September,  1896. 
Fourth  Edition^  with  additions  and  corrections,  1898. 
Fifth  Edition,  with  further  additions,  1900. 
Reprinted,  1901,  1902  [twice),  1904. 
Reprinted  with  further  additions  and  corrections,  1907. 


I  HAVE  to  thank  a  friend  for  the  Index  of 

The  extracts  from  Plutarch  are  taken  from 
Professor  Skeat's  volume  of  selections. 

The  numbering  of  the  lines  agrees  with  that 
of  the  'Globe'  edition. 

A.  W.  V, 

August,  1895. 


In  this  edition  some  errors  have  been  corrected, 
a  number  of  brief  comments,  mainly  on  points  of 
characterisation,  inserted  in  the  Notes,  and  some 
fresh  material  added  to  the  Introduction. 

A.  W.  V. 

March,  1897. 

58147G  ^ 



The  metrical  "Hints"  added  to  this  edition 
aim  at  giving  in  a  small  compass  the  gist  of  what 
is  commonly  agreed  upon  as  to  the  development 
and  variations  of  Shakespeare^s  blank  verse.  It 
is  almost  superfluous  to  mention  my  obligations 
to  Dr  Abbott's  Shakespearian  Grammar^  which 
deals  more  or  less  with  the  subject-matter  of 
each  of  the  sections  of  the  "Hints."  I  am  also 
indebted  to  other  writers  and  to  friends, 

A.  W.  V. 

December  ^  1899, 


Introduction  .«•«....  ix  -xxxiv 

Julius  C^sar   i—go 

Notes       •   9^-^53 

Glossary   154 — 

Shakespeare's  use  of  Plutarch  .      .      .      .  169 — 172 

Extracts  from  Plutarch         ....  173 — 195 

Appendix   196—200 

(The  Scene  of  Caesar's  murder:  Act  iil,  Sc.  1., 
11.  47,  48:  "Et  tu  Brute":  Brutus  and  Hamlet.) 

Hints  on  Metre  .      .      .      •  0    •      •      *  — 

Hints  on  Shakespeare's  English       .      .      .  213 — 215 

Index  of  Words  and  Phrases  ....  216—220 

tt        Names  221 




Julius  Ccesar  was  first  published,  so  far  as  we  know,  in  1623, 
in  the  ist  Folio  edition  of  Shakespeare's  plays.  Published  ht 
There  is  no  evidence  that  it  had  been  issued  ^^23. 
previously  in  Quarto. 

The  play  was  written  probably  in  the  year  1601.   Written  t>ro- 
The  chief  evidence  as  to  the  date  of  its  composition 
is  the  following  passage  in  Weever's  Mirror  of  Evidence  of 
Martyrs^  a  work  published  in  1601  : 

"  The  many-headed  multitude  were  drawne 
By  Brutus'  speech  that  Caesar  was  ambitious ; 
When .  eloquent  Mark  Antonie  had  showne 
His  vertues,  who  but  Brutus  then  was  vicious?" 
It  is  reasonable  to  regard  these  lines  as  an  allusion  to 
Act  II?.,  Scene  2  of  Julius  Ccesar ;  we  know  no  other  work  to 
which  they  could  refer.    The  style ^,  versification ^  and  general 

1  **In  the  earliest  plays  the  language  is  sometimes  as  it  were  a  dress 
put  upon  the  thought — a  dress  ornamented  with  superfluous  care;  the 
idea  is  at  times  hardly  sufficient  to  fill  out  the  language  in  which  it  is 
put;  in  the  middle  plays  {Julius  Ccesar  serves  as  an  example)  there 
seems  a  perfect  balance  and  equality  between  the  thought  and  its 
expression.  In  the  latest  plays  this  balance  is  disturbed  by  the  pre- 
ponderance or  excess  of  the  ideas  over  the  means  of  giving  them 
utterance . ' ' — Dowden . 

2  According  to  Mr  Fleay's  *  Metrical  Table '  Julius  Ccesar  contains 
34  rhyming  lines  and  2241  lines  of  blank  verse.    This  paucity  of  rhyme 



tone  of  Julius  Cccsar  beiong  to  the  period  1600 -i  60 1  of 
Shakespeare's  career.  It  may  be  noted  that  the  play  is  not 
mentioned  by  Meres  in  Palladis  Tamia,  1598. 

Another  passage  which  bears  upon  the  date  is  a  stanza  of 
Drayton's  poem,  The  Barons^  ira/Sj  1603: 

Such  one  he  was,  of  him  we  boldly  say, 

In  whose  rich  soul  all  sovereign  powers  did  suit, 

In  whom  in  peace  the  elements  ail  lay 

So  mixt,  as  none  could  sovereignty  impute; 

As  all  did  govern,  yet  all  did  obey  : 

His  lively  temper  was  so  absolute, 

That  't  seemed  when  heaven  his  model  fust  began, 

In  him  it  showed  perfection  in  a  man." 

These  verses  resemble  Antony's  last  speech  (v.  5.  73—75) 
over  the  dead  body  of  Brutus,  and  as  in  a  later  edition  of  77/^ 
Barons^  Wars  the  passage  was  altered  into  a  form  which  in- 
creased the  resemblance,  we  may  fairly  assume  that  Drayton, 
not  Shakespeare,  was  the  imitator.  We  need  not,  however,  lay 
great  stress  upon  Drayton's  lines,  having  the  more  striking 
allusion  in  the  Mirror  of  Martyrs^  which  helps  us  to  place 
Julius  CcEsar  just  after  Twelfth  Night  (1600 — 1601)  and  just 
before  Hamlet  (1602),  to  which  it  leads  up  in  several  respects. 


Taking  1601  to  be  the  year  of  its  composition,  Dr  Furnivall 
has  put  forward  the  theory  that  Shakespeare  intended  Julius 
Rebellion    of  ^^^^^       have  a  political  significance.    The  re- 
Essex,    1601 :  bellion  of  Essex,  the  Queen's  favourite,  took  place 

has     '^Julius    ,     ^  .  ,  ,  .,, 

Casar'  refer-  m  February,  1601  ;  and,  accordmg  to  Dr  r  urnivall  s 

e?ice  to  tt?       view,  Shakcspcarc  wished  to  draw  a  comparison  o 

between  the  conduct  of  Brutus  towards  his  friend  Caesar  and 

shows  that  the  play  belongs  to  that  '  middle  period '  when  Shakespeare 
had  gone  far  towards  abandoning  rhyme.  The  number  of  lines  with 
a  'double'  or  *  feminine'  ending  (i.e.  an  extra  syllable  at  the  end),  a 
characteristic  of  his  mature  work  is  considerable,  viz.  369. 



that  of  Essex  towards  his  patroness  Ehzabeth,  and  to  expre  js 
his  own  opinion  as  to  the  merits  of  the  rebellion  and  the  justice 
of  the  fate  of  those  who  took  part  in  it.  Dr  Furnivall  notes  that 
the  Lord  Southampton  to  whom  Shakespeare  dedicated  Venus 
and  Adonis  and  Lucrece  was  imprisoned  for  his  share  in  the 
rebellion — a  fact  which  must  have  brought  the  matter  vividly 
home  to  the  poet — and  reminds  us  of  the  (doubtful)  story  which 
connects  Richard  II.  with  Essex's  attempt. 

We  must,  however,  be  cautious  about  accepting  theories  of 
this  kind.  They  rest  upon  conjecture,  not  evidence,  and  con- 
jecture may  easily  find  in  Shakespeare's  lines  contemporary 
allusions  where  he  never  intended  any  allusion  at  all.  That 
there  was^  some  resemblance  between  the  action  and  fate  of 
Brutus  and  of  Essex,  and  that  for  Elizabethan  audiences  this 
resemblance  would  invest  Julius  Casar  with  extra  interest,  may 
be  admitted.    Further  than  this  admission  we  cannot  venture. 



Julius  Casar  does  not  belong  to  any  special  group  of 
Shakespeare's  plays.  Rather,  it  must  be  classed  apart  with 
Hamlet  (1602).  These  two  "tragedies  of  reflection^'  separate 
Shakespeare's  three  great  masterpieces  in  the  vein  of  graceful, 
gehial  comedy,  viz.  Much  Ado  About  Nothi^tgy  As  You  Like  It, 
and  Twelfth  Night,  which  all  come  within  the  period  1598 — 
1 601,  from  the  later  group  of  the  three  gloomy  tragi-comedies. 
Airs  Well  That  Ends  Well,  Measure  Jor  Measure,  and 
Troilus  and  Cressida. 

Between  Jidius  CcBsar  and  Hamlet  there  are  several  links  of 
connection.    Their  respective  heroes,  Brutus  and   «  •  .  j- 

^  ^  ^  Points  of  re- 

Hamlet,  are  much  alike,  each  being  an  unpractical,  semblance  be- 
philosophic  man  whom  circumstances  impel  to  take  c^sar"  ^^^and 
an  active  part  in  critical  affairs,  and  each  failing —  '  Hamlet. ' 
Brutus  because  he  acts  ill-advisedly,  Hamlet  because  he  has 
scarcely  the  will  to  act  at  all.    Portia  "falls  distract,"  and 



dies,  through  her  relation  to  Brutus  as  Ophelia  through  her 
connection  with  Hamlet.  Loyal  friendship  is  exemplified  very 
noticeably  in  Antony  and  Horatio.  The  supernatural  is  intro- 
duced in  both  plays,  and  with  the  similar  notion  of  revenge. 
Two^  passages  in  Ha7nlet  seem  to  show  that  the  story  of  Caesar 
occupied  Shakespeare's  thoughts  at  the  time  when  he  wrote  the 
later  tragedy :  indeed,  one  of  them  reads  like  a  direct  allusion  to 
Julius  Ccesar, 



Another  play  linked  with  Julius  Ccesar  by  some  community 
of  interest — but  not  of  style—is  Antony  and  Cleo- 
^uT^'^Antony  P^l^^-  Here  the  Triumvirs,  Antony,  Octavius  and 
^atra  "  ^^^^  Lepidus,  all  reappear,  and  the  development  of  their 
characters  and  relation  to  each  other  foreshadowed 
in  Julius  CcBsar  is  fulfilled.  Antony,  the  "masker  and  reveller  2," 
has  degenerated  into  a  voluptuary,  while  his  youthful  colleague 
who  assumes  so  calmly  his  position,  with  all  its  dangers,  as 
Caesar's  heir,  has  grown  into  an  iron-willed  ruler.  That  note  of 
antagonism  between  them  on  the  plains  of  Philippi  deepens  into 

^  Hamlet^  I.  i.  113 — 118  (quoted  on  p.  117  of  the  Notes  10  this 
play),  and  III.  2.  104 — 109  (see  p.  196), 

Other  points  of  connection  between  the  two  plays  might  be  cited. 
Thus  the  scene  where  Brutus  addresses  the  citizens  (in.  2)  finds  a  parallel 
in  the  old  prose  story  of  Hamlet  which  perhaps  Shakespeare  used. 
Again,  in  Plutarch's  Life  of  Brutus  there  is  a  curious  word  which 
occurs  in  a  precisely  similar  context  in  Hamlet  and  in  no  other  play 
of  Shakespeare.  Cf.  North's  Plutarch,  "Antony  thinking  good  that 
[Caesar's]  body  should  be  honourably  buried,  and  not  in  hugger- 
mugger''' \  and  Hamlet y  iv.  5.  83,  84, 

**We  have  done  but  greenly, 
In  hugger-mugger  to  inter  him  " ; 
i.e.  secretly  and  in  haste. 

^Julius  Casar^  V.  1.62. 



deadly  hostility.  Lepidus,  who  has  proved  the  *'slight*unmerit- 
able  man^"  of  Antony's  contemptuous  estimate,  is  *'made  use 
of^"  by  Octavius,  and  eventually  deposed  from  the  Triumvirate 
by  him,  as  Antony  proposed.  The  two  plays,  therefore,  have 
several  points  of  association  ;  but  in  all  the  qualities  of  work- 
manship and  metre  Antony  and  Cleopatra  is  much  the  maturer. 


Craik justly  remarks:  "It  is  evident  that  the  character  and 
history  of  Julius  Caesar  had  taken  a  strong  hold  of 
Shakespeare's  imagination.    There  is  perhaps  no  fke^l^harlcter 
other  historical  character  who  is  so  repeatedly  ^^'^^ 

.  Julius  Casar 

alluded  to  throughout  his  plays.  Several  of  these  appealed 
allusions,  as  might  be  expected,  illustrate  details  of  shT£s%are!^ 
Julius  CcBsar^,  Thus  for  the  "triumph"  mentioned 
in  the  first  Scene  we  may  turn  to  Measure  for  Measure^  ill.  2. 
45,  46,  "What,  at  the  wheels  of  Caesar .^^  art  thou  led  in 
triumph.?"  The  omens  preceding  Caesar's  death  are  mentioned 
in  that  passage  (l.  i.  113 — 118)  of  Hamlet  to  which  reference  has 
been  made  already.  The  death  itself,  the  scene,  and  the  share 
in  it  of  Brutus,  are  illustrated  by  the  following  extracts  : — 

2  Henry  VI.  iv.  i.  135 — 137: 

A  Roman  sworder  and  banditto  slave 
Murder'd  sweet  Tully;  Brutus'  bastard  hand 
Stabb'd  Julius  Csesar"; 

^  Julius  Ccssar^  iv.  i.  12. 

^  Antony  and  Cleopatra^  ill.  5.  7. 

'  For  notable  allusions  in  other  plays  see  2  Henry  IV.  IV.  3. 45,  46,  As 
You  Like  It^  v.  2.  34,  35  and  Cymbeline^  ill.  i.  23,  24,  which  all  refer 
to  Caesar's  famous  despatch — **  Veni^  vidi,  vicV* — to  the  Senate  after 
the  battle  of  Zela;  and  Cymbeline,  11.  4.  20 — 23,  in.  i.  22 — 29,  where 
Caesar's  expedition  to  Britain  is  mentioned. 



Antony  and  Cleopatra^  ii.  6,  14—18: 

**Whai  vvas't 
That  moved  pale  Cassius  to  conspire  ;  and  what 
Made  the  all-honour'd,  honest  Roman,  Brutus, 
With  the  arm'd  rest,  courtiers  of  beautcou,  freedom, 
To  drench  the  Capitol?" 

Antony's  grief  over  the  body  of  his  friend  and  pity  of 
Brutus's  fate  are  glanced  at  in  Antony  and  Cleopatra^  111.  2. 

**Why,  Enobarbus, 
When  Antony  found  Julius  Caesar  dead; 
lie  cried  almost  to  roaring ;  and  he  wept 
When  at  Philippi  he  found  Brutus  slain." 

Cyssars  '^ambition"  is  touched  on  in  Cymbcluic,  iii.  i. 
49—52.  Characters,  too,  of  Julius  Ccesar  other  than  the 
Triumvirs  are  noticed  elsewhere  by  Shakespeare.  Thus  the 
Portia  of  Belmont  (^Merchant  of  Venice^  I.  i.  165,  166)  is,  in 
Bassanio's  eyes, 

nothing  undervalued 
To  Cato's  daughter,  Brutus'  Portia." 

Cassius  of  the  '4ean  and  hungry  look"  is  the  ^'pale  Cassius/' 
the  ^'lean  and  wrinkled  Cassius"  of  Antony  and  Cleopatra  (11.  6. 



The  source  whence  Shakespeare  derived  the  story  of 
North's  " Piu-  J^ll^^^  CcBsar^  is  Sir  Thomas  North's  translation 
iarch:'  piutarch's  Lives  of  Caesar,  Brutus,  and  Antony. 

His  obligations  to  North,  and  method  of  using  his  materials, 
are   discussed   elsewhere ^     Some   suggestions  for  Antony's 

^  See  pp.  169 — 172, 



speech  to  the  citizens  in  Act  ITI.,  Scene  2  may  have  been 
furnished  by  Appian's^  history,  The  Civil  Wars,  Appiois 
translated  1578.  We  do  not  know  whether  Shakes-  ■f^i^^^^y-'* 
peare  used  any  existing  play  on  the  same  subject,  but  there  were 
several,  as  he  may  hint  (ill.  i.  iii — 116).  One  was  Earlier  plays 
a  Latin  piece,  Epilogus  CcBsaris  Interfecti^  per-  on  the  subject. 
formed  at  Oxford  in  1582,  and  perhaps  alluded  to  in  Hamlet^ 
III.  2.  ro4 — 109  (see  p.  196).  There  is  a  Tragedie  of  Julius 
Ccssar  hy  the  Earl  of  Stirling  (of  whose  Darius  there  seems  a 
reminiscence  in  The  Tempest,  IV.  152— 156),  and  Malone  thought 
that  it  preceded  Julius  Ccesar^  arguing  that  the  writer  would  not 
have  challenged  comparison  with  Shakespeare  by  treating  the 
same  subject.  But  the  Tragedie  was  not  pubhshed  till  1607 
(much  too  late  a  date  for  Julius  Ccesar)^  nor  have  the  plays  any 
resemblance  apart  from  the  subject. 




15'  44- 

The  historic  period  of  the  action  of  Julius  Ccesar  is  from 
February  44  B.C.  to  October  42  B.C.  -  nearly  two 
years  and  three  quarters.    The  main  events  of  tliis  ^/j^^^/^^^^f  fi^^ 
period  to  which  allusion  is  made  in  the  play,  and  Period. 
their  respective  dates^  were  : 

'  The  Lupeixalia.    Caesar's   refusal   of  tlie) 
crown.  ) 
Caesar's  murder. 
Caesar's  funeral. 
Arrival  of  Octavius  at  Rome. 
Formation   of  the   Triumvirate — Octavius, 
Antony,    Lepidus.     'Proscriptions'  at 
Rome,  in  which  Cicero  falls. 
Battles  of  Philippi. 

March  15,  44. 
March  19  or  ao,  44. 
May,  44. 

November,  43. 

October,  4-2. 

^  Appian  was  an  Alexandrian  writer  who  lived  at  Rome  in  the 
Second  Century  A.D.  and  wrote  in  Greek  a  Roman  history  ('Pw/^atVca)  in 
14  books.    Books  13  to  i\  treated  of  the  civil  wars  from  the  time  of 





The  events^  of  Julius  Ccesar  are  supposed  to  happen  on 
Distribution     six  days,  separated  by  intervals  ;  the  arrangement 

of  the  action.    ^^^^^        follows  : 

Day  I :      Act  I,  Scenes  i  and  -2.    Feb.  15,  44. 

Day  II  :    Act  I,  Scene  3.    March  14,  44. 
Day  III :  Acts  11  and  ill.    March  15,  44. 

Day  IV:   Act  iv,  Scene  i.    November,  43. 

Day  V:     Act  iv,  Scenes  1  and  3, 

Day  VI :   Act  V.    October,  41, 



Brutus  IS  the  Hiero'  of  Julius  CcBsar^  the  character  who 
stands  out  most  prominently  in  its  action.  Caesar  himself 
appears  in  only  three  scenes,  nor  in  these  does  he  present  an 
Whythepiayis  ™P^^s^^^^  figure.  Yet  the  play  is  rightly  called 
called'' Julius  JuHus  CcBsar,  not  Brutus^  for  the  personality  of 
Ccesar.  Caesar  is  the  real  motive-spring  of  the  whole  plot, 

Marius  and  Sulla  to  the  battle  of  Actium.  An  English  translation  of 
the  extant  portions  of  this  work  was  published  in  1578. 

Appian  reports  Antony's  speech ;  Plutarch  merely  mentions  its 
delivery.  Whether  the  speech  which  Shakespeare  assigns  to  Antony 
owed  anything  to  Appian's  account  (the  verbal  resemblances  seem  to 
me  very  trifling)  or  was  purely  imaginative,  it  gives  a  true  idea  of  the 
drift  and  effect  of  what  Antony  said,  and  of  the  whole  scene. 

^  In  several  points  Shakespeare  has  compressed  the  action,  combining 
events  which  were  really  separated  by  some  interval  of  time ;  for  these 
deviations  from  history  see  pp.  171,  172. 



and  the  influence  which  creates  and  dominates  the  action. 
The  tragedy  is  wrought  round  Caesar:  Caisar  murdered  and 
Csesar  avenged :  and  though  in  the  external  working  out  of  the 
motives  of  the  plot  Brutus,  Cassius  and  Antony  all  play  more 
conspicuous  parts  than  the  Dictator,  yet  he  overshadows  them 
as  with  the  majesty  of  a  presence  unseen  but  not  unfelt.  Caesar 
is  the  inner,  inspiring  cause  of  the  whole  drama — of  the  later 
scenes  no  less  than  of  the  earlier,  for  death  really  serves  to 
intensify  his  power — and  he  is  alone  indispensable  to  it. 



r  >4  The  construction  of  Julius  Ccesar  is  remarkably  regular  and 
even.  In  the  first  Act  we  see  the  hostility  to  Analysis  of  the 
Caesar — its  causes  and  result,  viz.  the  conspiracy 
against  him.  The  second  Act  is  devoted  to  the  develop- 
ment of  the  conspiracy,  and  brings  us  to  the  verge  of  the 
crisis.  Early  in  the  third  Act  the  crisis  is  reached  in  the 
achievement  of  the  conspiracy.  Then  its  outcome,  the  punish- 
ment destined  to  fall  upon  the  heads  of  the  conspirators,  is 
foreshadowed,  and  we  are  made  to  feel  that  "  Caesar^s  spirit, 
ranging  for  revenge"  (ill.  i.  270),  will  prove  even  mightier  than 
Caesar  himself.  By  the  close  of  the  third  Act  the  first  step 
tow^irds  this  revenge  has  been  completed  through  the  expulsion 
of  the  conspirators  from  Rome.  The  remainder  of  the  play 
traces  their  gradual  downfall.  Caesar's  avengers  combine  while 
his  murderers  disagree  in  a  manner  that  augurs  ill  for  their 
cause  ;  and  surely  the  sense  of  imminent  ruin  increases.  Their 
friends  at  Rome  are  'proscribed':  Portia  dies:  the  apparition 
warns  Brutus,  and  evil  omens  dismay  the  soldiers :  Cassius 
would  delay  the  decisive  battle,  and  on  its  eve  the  generals  take 
their  sad,  "everlasting  farewell."  Mistakes,  mistrust,  and 
"hateful  Error"  (v.  3.  66,  67)  pursue  them  to  the  last,  until  in 
their  self-inflicted  deaths  the  angry  spirit  of  their  great  victim  is 
appeased  and  may  "now  be  still"  (v.  5.  50). 



In  syinn\etrical  evolution  of  the  story  Julius  Ccpsar  stands 
unsurpassed  among  Shakespeare^s  plays.   There  is 
'atity.o/yuUus        underplot,  and  no  incident  of  any  importance 
^the^^  ^central  ^^^^  Considered  irrelevant.    Every  element 

point  of  the  of  the  action  springs  from  and  is  subordinated  to 

whole  flay.  .  .  , .         ^    ,      „  .  ^  ^ , 

the  central  personality  of  the  Dictator.    His  per- 
sonality constitutes  its  unity  of  interest 


In  certain  details^  Shakespeare  has  found  it  necessary  to 
sacrifice  historical  accuracy;  but  substantially  the  play  is 
true  to  history  and  gives  a  vivid  picture  of  the  period  and  crisis 
with  which  it  deals.  The  repulsion  which  Caesar's  desire  to 
revive  the  title  '  King '  aroused  :  the  motives  of  the  conspirators 
—the  personal  jealousy  which  animated  some,  the  futile  devotion 
of  others  to  the  ancient  republican  ideal :  the  relation  of  Brutus 
to  Caesar  and  to  his  partners  in  the  plot :  the  uselessness  of  their 
action  and  its  results  :  the  relation  again  of  the  Triumvirs  to  each 
other  and  their  characters :  these,  the  essential  points,  are  all 
depicted  in  Julius  Ccesar  with  no  less  truth  than  vividness. 
Poetic  sympathy  has  enabled  Shakespeare  to  enter  into  the 
spirit  of  Roman  politics,  and  the  historian  finds  little  to  correct. 



Too  much  stress  is  often  laid   in  criticisms  of  Shake- 
speare's use  of   the  supernatural   upon   the  fact   that  in 
Julius  Ccesar  and  Macbeth  the  apparition  is  seen 
'timis  itt^'^ju-  only  by  one  person,  and  a  person  whose  mental 
^'^Mac-  condition  at  the  time  predisposes  him  to  hallu- 
dfth''      and  cinations.     Thus  Gervinus,  discussing  the  super- 

Hamlet.  -.^^rr  . 

natural  element  m  Hamlet  and  Macbeth^  writes: 

^  See  pp.  171,  172.  It  has  been  well  noted  that  Shakespeare's 
deviations  from  history  in  historical  plays  are  mainly  changes  of  time 
and  placcp  and  do  not  often  involve  mlspresentation  of  fact  or  character. 


"That  they  see  ghosts  is,  with  both  Hamlet  and  Macbeth, 
the  strongest  proof  of  the  power  of  the  imaginative  faculty.  We 
need  hardly  tell  our  readers... that  [Shakespeare's]  spirit-world 
signifies  nothing  but  the  physical  embodiment  of  the  images 
conjured  up  by  a  lively  fancy,  and  that  their  apparition  only 
takes  place  with  those  who  have  this  excitable  imagination. 
The  cool  Gertrude  sees  not  Hamlet's  ghost,  the  cold,  sensible 
Lady  Macbeth  sees  not  that  of  Banquo." 

Again,  in  a  note  on  the  words  spoken  by  Brutus  when  the 
ghost  vanishes — "Now  I  have  taken  heart,  thou  vanishest" 
— yudson  says  :  This  strongly,  though  quietly,  marks  the 
ghost  as  subjective',  as  soon  as  Brutus  recovers  his  firmness, 
the  illusion  is  broken.  The  order  of  things  is  highly  judicious 
here,  in  bringing  the  *  horrible  vision '  upon  Brutus  just  after  he 
has  heard  of  Portia's  shocking  death.  With  that  sorrow  weigh- 
ing upon  him,  he  might  well  see  ghosts." 

I  suppose  that  many  who  adopt  this  view  do  so  from  a  vague 
desire  to  clear  Shakespeare  of  the  suspicion  that  he  himself 
*  believed  in  ghosts.'  But  the  theory  will  not  explain  all  the 
instances  in  Shakespeare  of  apparitions.  The  ghost  in  Hamlet 
is  seen  by  Marcellus  and  Bernardo,  soldiers  whom  it  would  be 
arbitrary  to  credit  with  "excitable  imaginations,"  and  by  the 
sceptical  Horatio  who  declares  expressly  beforehand  "'twill  not 
appear";  and  it  holds  a  long  colloquy  with  Hamlet.  No  theory 
of  "subjectivity"  (to  use  a  tiresome  word)  will  account  for  so 
emphatic  an  apparition;  nor,  surely,  do  we  require  any  such 
theory.  Shakespeare  uses  the  supernatural  as  one 
of  the  legitimate  devices  of  dramatic  art.  It  is  part  ^eare  ^intro- 
of  the  original  story  of  the  lives  of  Caesar  and  ^^i^^  , 

^  supernattiral. 

Brutus,  and  he  retains  it  for  dramatic  effect.  To 
the  latter  part  of  Julius  Ccesar  it  is  highly  important,  if  not 
indispensable,  as  emphasising  the  continued  influence,  after 
death,  of  the  power  of  Caesar's  personality. 

Sometimes,  as  in  the  earlier  scenes  of  Hamlet^  and  I  should 
add  in  Julius  CcBsar^  an  apparition  is  meant  to  be  Different  as- 
'real'— that  is,  a  thing  external  to  and  independent  ^^^^^  ^-^ 
of  the  imaginations  of  those  who  perceive  it,  a  truly  supernatural 
J.  C.  If 



manifestation;  sometimes,  as  in  Macbeth^  it  is  best  regarded  as 
'unreal' — the  inner  creation  of  a  disordered  fancy,  and  so  not 
supernatural  at  all.  Both  interpretations  are  open  to  us,  and  the 
conditions  of  each  particular  case  must  alone  determine  which 
we  ought,  in  that  case,  to  adopt.  But  as  on  the  one  hand  it  is 
impossible  to  explain  all  the  instances  on  the  single 
%HuironThe  theory  of  'unreahty'  or  'subjectivity,'  so  on  the 
matter     un-  other  it  is  absurd  to  credit  Shakespeare  himself 

known.  ^  ^ 

with  a  personal  belief  in  apparitions :  as  reasonably 
might  one  suppose  that  he  'believed  in'  fairies  because  he 
introduces  them  in  A  Midsu miner- NigM s  Dreain^  or  in  "  airy 
spirits"  like  Ariel,  or  in  monsters  like  Caliban,  or-  in  witches 
like  "the  weird  sisters"  of  Macbeth.  There  are  indeed  few 
subjects  on  which  we  can  hazard  any  conjecture  as  to  Shake- 
speare's own  feelings,  and  the  supernatural  is  not  one  of  them. 



Shakespeare  depicts^  in  Brutus  the  failure,  under  the  test  of 
action,  of  a  man  essentially  noble  in  character, 
but  unpractical  and  somewhat  pedantic.  Brutus  is 
NobU  but  un-  a  philosopher  and  idealist :  a  man  of  lofty  theories 
fractuai.  about  life  and  human  nature,  not  of  true  insight 
into  their  realities :  a  man,  too,  of  singular  sensitiveness-  and 
tenderness^  under  the  covering  of  that  Stoic  self-restraint  which 
ordinarily  marks  him.  He  is  at  home  among  his  books  ;  and 
when  fate  thrusts  him  forth  and  bids  him  act  instead  of 
theorising,  his  incapacity  to  deal  with  his  fellow-mortals,  to 
understand  their  point  of  view,  and  to  grapple  with  the  facts  of 
life,  becomes  pitifully  plain.    Then  he  stands  confessed,  a  pure- 

^  He  idealises  the  character  to  some  extent,  following  Plutarch. 

2  Thus  he  cannot  bear  to  speak  of  Portia's  death  (iv.  3.  158,  166). 

3  Cf.  the  scene  with  Portia  (ii.  i),  and  his  kindly  treatment 
thioughout  of  Lucius;  see  II.  i.  229  (note),  and  iv.  3.  252 — 272. 



souled  but  impotent  idealist  out  of  touch  wilh  the  passions  and 

interests  of  average  humanity.     And  it  is  the 

tragedy  of  his  fortune  that  he,  hke  Hamlet,  is  born 

into  evil  times  (as  he  thinks)  and  feels  that  he  must  essay  to  set 

them  right. 

The  nobility  of  his  character  is  unquestioned.  Some  men 
unconsciously  reveal  their  goodness,  and  Brutus  is  one  of  these. 
"  Noble  "  seems  to  rise  instinctively  to  the  lips  of  all  who  know 
him.  ^*Well,  Brutus,  thou  art  noble,"  reflects  Cassius  (i.  2.  312), 
a  true  judge  of  character.  "But  win  the  noble  Testimony  to 
Brutus  to  our  party,"  echoes  Cinna  (l.  3.  141).  f^i^  character. 
"Now  is  that  noble  vessel  full  of  grief,"  says  Clitus  (v.  5.  13), 
pointing  to  their  defeated  and  dejected  leader.  "The  noblest 
Roman  of  them  all"  is  Antony's  verdict  (v.  5.  68).  The  conspi- 
rators feel  from  the  outset  that  they  can  do  nothing  without 
Brutus.    Cassius  and  Casca  and  Cinna  all  realise         .  ^ 

His  injluence 

their  "great  need  of  him.''    If  they  act  it  must  be  among  the  cow 
under  the  shelter  of  the  name  of  Brutus  (i.  3. 

*  *  O,  he  sits  high  in  all  the  people's  hearts  : 
And  that  which  would  appear  offence  in  us, 
His  countenance,  like  richest  alchemy, 
Will  change  to  virtue  and  to  worthiness." 

Cajsius^,  against  his  better  judgment,  twice  gives  way  to 
Brutus.  Ligarius  follows  him  bhndly  (ll.  i.  311 — 334).  When 
the  plot  is  achieved,  the  conspirators  would  shift  the  prime 
responsibility  on  to  him  :  "Go  to  the  pulpit,  Brutus"  (ill.  i.  84); 
"  Brutus  shall  lead"  (120). 

His  influence  in  short  is  paramount,  and  it  is  the  influence 
which  springs  from  undisputed  nobility  of  character  and 
compels  the  loyal  devotion  of  others,  so  that  Brutus  can  say 
(V.  5.  34,  35) : 

"  My  heart  doth  joy  that  yet  in  all  my  life 
I  found  no  man  but  he  was  true  to  me." 

^  See  II.  I.  155 — 191  and  iii.  i.  231 — 243. 



Personal  considerations  have  no  weight— indeed,  no  place— 
^.  ^.  in  the  motives  of  a  man  of  this  type.  Principle 
is  his  sole  guide.  Cassius  and  the  others  are 
prompted  mainly  by  "envy  of  great  Caesar*'  (v.  5.  70). 
Brutus  has  "no  personal  cause  to  spurn  at  him"  (11.  i.  11): 
rather  he  is  Caesar's  friend,  and  is  therefore  moved  by  conflicting 
Conflict  be-  ^"^otions,  by  "passions  of  some  difference"  (i.  2. 
txveen  his  love  40).    But  if  he  loves  Cccsar  much  he  loves  Rome 

of  Ccesar  and  k  ^     ■      r       ^      ,i  ^ 

his  duty  to  more  (ill.  2.  23);  and  pity  for  the  ''general  wrong" 
Rome.  drives  out  his  pity  for  Caesar,  even  as  fire  expels 

fire  (ill.  I.  170,  171).  As  a  Roman-—"  Rome"  and  "Roman"  are 
ever  on  his  lips — as  a  Brutus^,  descendant  of  him  who  drove 
out  "the  Tarquin,"  he  must  obey  the  voice  of  patriotism  at  the 
cost  of  personal  feelings  and  spare  neither  his  friend  nor  himself. 
The  present  absolute  power  of  the  Dictator  violates  that  "free- 
dom" which  Brutus  believes  to  be  essential  to  the  welfare  of 
Rome,  and  worse  evils  might  follow  were  Caesar  "crowned"  (11. 
I.  12 — 34);  for  "that  might  change  his  nature,"  and  lead  him  to 
"  extremities  "  of  tyranny.  So  friendship  must  be  sacrificed.  An 
idealist  knows  no  compromises,  and  Brutus ^  as  unflinching  as 
disinterested  in  all  he  undertakes,  will  tolerate  no  half-measures. 
Yet  practical  measures  of  redress  lie  beyond  his  power  of 
execution.  He  is  incapable  of  successful  action, 
^hwnan  nature  ^^^^  incapacity  is  his  ignorance  of 

the  main  cause  human  nature.    He  knows  not  how  other  men  will 

o/hts  failure.  „       ,  .  .  ,  i  .,i 

act  nor  what  effect  his  own  actions  and  words  will 
Illustrations  have  on  them.  He  misreads  the  characters  of 
^rancel^  almost  all  with  whom  he  is  brought  in  contact. 

Thus  he  misjudges  Antony  (ll.  i.  181 — 183,  185— 
189),  not  perceiving  that  the  pleasure-loving  habits  of  the 
"masker  and  reveller"  are  compatible  with  astute  energy  in 
affairs:  a  mistake  sufficing  in  itself  to  bring  about  the  utter 

^  Cassius  appeals  to  him  by  this  motive;  cf.  I.  2.  159 — 161;  see 
also  II.  I.  53,  54. 

2  Coesar  said  of  Brutus  quicquid  volt^  valde  volt^^  \  cf.  Cicero,  Ad 
Ait.  XIV.  I,  2. 



downfall  of  the  conspirators.  He  misjudges  Casca  (l.  2.  299, 
300).  He  misjudges  the  crowd  and  addresses  them  in  a 
laboured,  argumentative  style  as  though  each  individual  had 
the  trained  and  dispassionate  intellect  of  a  philosopher  (ill.  2. 
12 — 52).  He  misjudges  his  own  wife,  vainly  supposing  that 
he  can  conceal  his  disquiet  from  her  (11.  i.  257).  And  he 
does  not  see  that  Cassius  is  "humouring"  him  (l.  2.  319)  and 
using  his  influence  as  an  instrument  for  wreaking  personal 
spite  upon  Caesar. 

A  man  so  devoid  of  insight  into  human  nature  is  doomed  to 
failure  when  he  leaves  his  study  and  goes  forth  to  act.  Gradu- 
ally he  must  find  that  the  world  of  fact  is  far  other  than  the 
world  of  his  speculative  fancies  and  that  his  theories  about  man 
in  the  abstract  are  misleading  delusions. 

Hence  it  comes  about  that  the  public  action  of  Brutus  in 
relation  to  the  conspiracy  and  its  outcome  may 
fairly  be  described  as  "a  series  of  practical  mis-  httk/prcuHcai 
takes."    He  refuses  to  let  Antony  be  slain  together  ^ondvct  of  the 

•'  conspiracy. 

with  Caesar  (11.  i.  162—189).  He  suffers  Antony  to 
address  the  crowd  (iii.  i.  231):  more,  he  suffers  Antony  to  have 
the  last  word,  and  when  his  own  ineffective  speech  is  finished 
goes  away  (ill.  2.  66),  trusting  to  Antony's  promise  not  to  "blame** 
(ill.  I.  245)  the  conspirators.  He  nearly^comes  to  open  rupture 
with  his  colleague  (iv.  3);  he  insists  on  marching  to  Philippi 
(iv.  3) ;  in  the  battle  he  "  gives  the  word  too  early,"  lets  his 
soldiers  fall  to  plunder,  and  fails  to  aid  his  fellow-general 
(v.  3.  5 — 8).    His  action  in  short  is  a  Tragedy  of  Errors. 

Yet  many  of  them,  be  it  noted,  are  the  errors  of  a  good, 
though  over-sensitive,  man,  who  has  undertaken  a  certain  work 
without  calculating  fully  its  consequences.  Brutus  should  have 
realised  at  the  outset  that  if  the  murder  of  Caesar  was  right, 
then  the  other  deeds  of  violence  and  injustice  which  that  murder 
necessarily  entailed  would  be  justifiable.  Instead  of  this,  he 
ventures  upon  the  tremendous  deed  of  assassination,  yet  tries  to 
act  with  a  strict  and  scrupulous  observance  of  equity  and  fair- 
ness ;  and  so,  partly  from  needless  scruples,  partly  from  the  lack 
of  practical  wit,  he  stumbles  blindly  into  blunder  after  blunder, 



revealing  more  clearly  at  each  stage  his  absolute  inability  to 
play  the  part  which  fortune  has  assigned  him. 

Knowing,  as  we  do,  how  utterly  base  and  senseless  was  the 
murder  of  Csesar — base  because  mainly  due  to  jealousy,  and 
senseless  because  even  those  who  acted  from  pure  motives  were 
grasping  at  the  impossible  in  their  attempt  to  restore  the  old 
order  of  Roman  republicani.<^m — we  can  feel  only  a 

Our  sympathy  ^  -  ^ 

with  him  only  partial  Sympathy  with  Brutus  in  his  fate;  neverthe- 
partta  .  j^^^     ^.^  personal  character  the  eulogy  of  Antony 

remains  unimpeached  (v.  5.  73 — 75): 

"His  life  was  gentle,  and  the  elements 
So  mix'd  in  him,  that  Nature  might  stand  up 
And  say  to  all  the  world,  'This  was  a  man!*" 

His  character  is  designedly  thrown  into  relief  by  that  of 
Cassius,  a  thoroughly  practical  man  of  action,  ever 
scrupui'ous^ut  ready  and  able  to  fight  the  world  with  its  own 
weapons,  and  unhampered  by  sensitive  scruples, 
as  we  see  in  his  methods  of  raising  money  (iv.  3). 

The  contrast  between  the  two  men  is  shown  strikingly  by  the 
Contrasted  ^^^^  ^^^^  main  motive  which  leads  Cassius  to 
•with  Brutus,  join — or  rather,  to  start — the  conspiracy  is  personal 
Jealousy  of  j^^lousy  of  Caesar^.  This  motive  is  emphasised  at 
Ctesar     the    the  outsct.    Thus  in  his  first  interview  with  Brutus 

77tain  motive      ,        ,  ,  ,  t  > 

of  Cassius's  he  dwells  upon  the  contrast  between  his  own 
action.  humble  position  and  the  greatness  of  Ciesar  (l.  2. 


"This  man 
Is  now  become  a  god  ;  and  Cassius  is 
A  wretched  creature,  and  must  bend  his  body, 
If  Csesar  carelessly  but  nod  on  him." 

Jealousy  speaks  plainly  in  such  an  utterance;  and  he  hopes 
to  find  or  to  rouse  similar  jealousy  in  Brutus  (l.  2.  142 — 147). 
It  is  of  Cassius  that  Caesar  says  (i.  2.  208,  209): 

Such  men  as  he  be  never  at  heart's  ease 
Whiles  they  behold  a  greater  than  themselves." 
^  So  Plutarch  speaks  of  Cassius  as    hating  Caesar  privately  more  he  did  tyranny." 



True,  a  second  motive  prompts  Cassius,  viz.  his  love  of 
liberty  and  equality  which  rebels  against  the  "bondage"  (l.  3. 
90)  laid  upon  them  by  Caesar's  "  tyranny"  (i.  3.  99).  Cf. 
**  I  had  as  lief  not  be  as  live  to  be 
In  awe  of  such  a  thing  as  I  myself." 

If  he  hates  the  Dictator  "privately,"  he  hates  him  also  as 
a  "tyrant."  Still  this  purer  motive  of  republicanism  is  not  (I 
think)  nearly  so  strong  as  the  other,  viz.  ignoble  jealousy. 

While  Brutus  has  the  higher  principles,  the  advantage  as 
regards  practical  genius  and  insight  into  character  practical 
rests  with  Cassius — "a  great  observer,"  who  "looks 
quite  through  the  deeds  of  men"  (i.  2.  202,  203).  These  qualities 
are  specially  marked  in  his  attitude  to  Antony,  whose  character 
Brutus  misreads  so  hopelessly.  First,  Cassius  sees  the  danger 
of  sparing  Antony  (11.  i.  155 — 184).    Then,  after  ^,  . 

'    ^  Shown  tn  his 

the  execution  of  the  plot,  he  does  not  forget  that  treatment  of 
Antony  may  yet  have  to  be  reckoned  with  (iii.  i.  ^*^^^^y- 
95)  and  expresses  again  his  "misgiving"  of  Caesar's  friend  (145); 
but,  as  Antony  is  still  to  be  spared,  he  appeals  to  him  by 
the  motive  likely  to  have  most  weight  (177,  178).  Then  he 
endeavours  wisely  to  force  Antony  into  a  definite  statement  of 
friendship  or  hostility  to  their  cause  (ill.  i.  215 — 217),  so  that 
they  may  at  least  know  how  they  are  to  regard  him ;  and  lastly, 
he  perceives  instantly  (231)  Brutus's  fatal  error  in  granting 
Antony's  petition  to  be  allowed  to  speak  at  Caesar's  funeral.  At 
each  step  the  practical  sense  of  Cassius  guides  him  aright,  and 
serves  to  emphasise  the  unpractical  character  of  Brutus,  who 
either  has  no  suggestions  at  all  to  make  or  else  suggests  the 
wrong  thing. 

Other  illustrations  may  be  cited.  Thus  Cassius  is  not 
deceived  by  the  assumed  bluntness  of  Casca  (i.  2.  Further  ex- 
301—306).  He,  not  Brutus,  really  builds  up  the  ^^pi^^- 
whole  conspiracy  (of  which  Brutus  is  little  more  than  the 
necessary  figure-head).  He  proposes  the  inclusion  of  Cicero 
(11.  I.  141,  142),  whose  eloquence  might  have  prevailed  with  the 
crowd  and  counterbalanced  Antony's  speech.  He  foresees  (11. 
I.  194 — 2or)  that  Caesar  may  be  deterred  from  coming  to  the 



Senate-house— an  accident  which  did  almost  occur  and  which 
might  have  made  the  conspiracy  miscarry  altogether.  As  a 
general,  he  gives  the  better  advice  (IV.  3.  199 — 202),  viz.  that 
they  should  wait  for  the  enemy^s  attack  and  not,  by  leaving  a 
position  where  they  could  entrench  themselves  strongly,  stake 
everything  on  a  single  battle  in  an  unknown  country.  Cassius, 
in  short,  proves  himself  thoroughly  able,  first  as  conspirator, 
then  as  soldier,  while  Brutus  is  but  a  bookish  student. 

Yet  the  latter  is  the  dominating  influence  when  they  are 
together.     In  any  difference  of  opinion  the  un- 
jiuence^  ^^of   bending   Brutus  carries  his   point.     Cassius  is 
Brutus  over    ^^r^^  somcwhat  by  the  higher  character  of  his 

Cassius,  ... 

friend.  Consciousness  of  inferiority  acts  as  a 
restraint.  The  calm  presence  of  Brutus  puts  his  baser  motives 
to  shame,  and  involuntarily  brings  out  all  that  is  best  in  his 
nature.  This  is  especially  noticeable  towards  the  close  of  the 
play :  e.g.  in  the  dispute  (iv.  3)  with  reference  to  Lucius  Pella, 
when  the  blustering,  defiant  anger  of  Cassius — perhaps  assumed 
in  part  to  conceal  his  sense  of  guilt — soon  gives  Avay  to  penitent 
humility;  and  again  in  that  scene  (v.  i.  93 — 126)  of  farewell 
between  the  generals  on  the  morning  of  the  battle,  when  he 
bears  himself  with  a  dignity  worthy  of  Brutus  himself.  At  such 
times  contact  with  the  nobler  nature  elevates  the  lower  with  an 
unconscious  infection  of  goodness.  And  the  fact  that  Cassius 
should  be  open  to  such  influences — this  and  his  loyal  devotion 
to  Brutus,  together  with  his  love  of  liberty,  his  courage  and 
practical  abihty,  win  him  a  measure  of  admiration. 

The  part  he  plays  does  not  require  that  Antony  should  be 

delineated  so  fully  and  carefully  as  Brutus,  to  whom 

Antony.  .   .  '  .  .  .  . 

he  presents  a  vivid  contrast,  or  Cassius,  with  whom 
he  has  something  in  common.    His  character  is  drawn  in  a 
freer  yet  striking  manner.    Antony's  faults  are  plain.  Like 
.  .  ,  ,    Cassius,  he  is  not  hampered  by  lofty  principles  and 

U7iprmcipled.  ..     ...  i  i      i  •  i 

scruples.  This  trait  is  illustrated  by  his  remarks 
with  reference  to  Lepidus  (iv.  i.  11 — 40).  He  frankly  avows  to 
Octavius  his  design  to  use  Lepidus  merely  **as  a  property"  for 
their  advantage.    Lepidus  is  to  share  with  them  the  odium  of 



their  policy  but  not  its  rewards:  to  do  their  cruel  and  discredit- 
able work  and  then  be  "  turned  off,''  while  they  reap  the  benefit 
of  his  labours.  Meaner  treatment  of  a  colleague  were  scarcely 
conceivable,  and  the  man  who  not  merely  contemplates  it  in  his 
own  mind  but  openly  announces  it  must  have  divested  himself 
of  scruples.  The  same  scene  affords  another  example  of 
Antony's  cynical  scorn  of  principle.  In  his  speech  to  the  crowd 
he  harped  upon  Caesar's  will,  and  inflamed  them  against  the 
conspirators  by  passionate  insistence  on  Caesar's  generous 
bequests  to  Rome:  now  (iv  i.  7 — 9)  he  is  anxious  to  see 
whether  the  will  may  not  be  evaded  and  "some  charge  in 
legacies  " — these  same  legacies — be  cut  off.  Again  ^^^^ 
in  this  interview  he  shows  his  cruelty,  bartering 
away  the  life  of  his  own  nephew  without  the  least  compunction 
(IV.  I.  4 — 6). 

Nevertheless,  though  unscrupulous,  cruel,  self-indulgent  1, 
Antony  has  much  to  commend  him.  There  is  a 
certain  dash  about  the  man,  an  animation  and  ^quaiuifs 
self-reliant  resourcefulness,  which  are  very  attrac-  "^^^ll^a^tion^^ 
tive.  Antony  is  never  at  a  loss.  Thus,  when  the 
conspirators  invite  him  back  to  the  Capitol  after  the  murder,  he 
thinks  at  first  that  it  may  be  his  turn  next  to  die  (ill.  i.  151 — 
163).  But  the  sentimental  speech  of  Brutus  and  Cassius's  more 
practical  bribe  (ill.  i.  177,  178)  show  him  that  he  can  come  to 
terms  with  the  conspirators — for  the  moment — and  save  his  life ; 
so  he  takes  his  cue  straightway,  professes  willingness  to  be  their 
ally,  and  dupes  them  as  cleverly  as  he  afterwards  manages  the 
crowd.  The  other  great  test  of  his  nerve  and  cleverness  is,  of 
course,  the  occasion  of  Caesar's  funeral  (ill.  2);  here  again  he 
proves  equal  to  the  crisis.  The  citizens,  he  sees,  side  with 
Brutus:  he  hears  their  cries  "Live  Brutus,  live,  hve!"  yet  he 
goes  up  into  the  Rostra  unhesitatingly  and  faces  the  hostile  audi- 
ence. He  sets  himself  to  win  them  over  and  turn  their  hostility 
against  the  conspirators,  and  achieves  his  object  with  a  consum- 
mate skill  which  shows  not  only  unshaken  nerve  in  the  presence 
of  danger  but  just  that  searching  insight  into  human  nature  which 
^  Cf.  I.  1.  204  (note),  II.  I.  188,  189,  II.  2.  116,  117. 



Brutus  lacks.  Brutus  has  tried  to  convince  the  crowd  with 
His  funeral  ^^^^sons/  with  arguments  addressed  to  the  intellect. 
speech      con-  Antonv  appeals  to  the  heart.    Knowing;  that  to  an 

trusted  with 

tJie  speech  of  Ordinary  man  an  mdividual  is  always  more  interest- 
Brutus.  ingthan  an  abstract  principle,  he  dwells  upon  Caesar's 

personal  services  to  Rome,  his  personal  love  of  the  people  as 
shown  by  the  will,  and  the  pity  of  his  fate.  And  a  wave  of 
passion  sweeps  away  all  the  effect  of  Brutus's  words. 

There  is  something  dazzling  about  the  self-reliance,  the 
courage,  the  genius  even,  which  against  such  odds  can  grasp 
such  success.  Here,  one  feels,  is  the  typical  strong,  resourceful 
man  who  knows  what  he  wants  and  how  to  get  it,  be  the 
obstacles  never  so  great.  The  whole  episode  brings  Brutus  and 
Antony  into  close  connection,  so  that  the  philosopher  and  the 
man  of  action  serve  as  mutual  foils. 

Most  of  all  we  like  Antony  for  his  devotion  to  Caesar.  There 
is  no  pretence  about  that.  The  true  *Mngrafted 
cZar,\hich  love  he  bears"  (ii.  i.  184)  will  not  be  con- 
witis  him  our  cealed  even  in  the  presence  of  Caesar's  murderers 

sympathy.  ^ 

(ill.  I.  194 — 210).  It  speaks  in  clear  accents  when 
Antony  is  alone  with  the  blood-stained  body  (ill.  2.  254 — 257). 
It  inspires  his  resolve  to  avenge  Caesar.  The  Dictator  can  do 
Antony  no  more  service :  his  enemies  have  prevailed,  and 
prudence  would  counsel  compliance  with  their  overtures  of 
friendship  But  affection  for  the  dead  overcomes  prudence  and 
dictates  the  duty  of  revenge,  and  to  that  duty  he  dedicates 
himself.  And  so,  for  his  devotion  to  Caesar,  we  are  drawn 
towards  Antony  (and  must  be  something  blind  to  his  faults),  as 
towards  Cassius  for  his  devotion  to  Brutus.  Those  who  appre- 
ciate the  greatness  of  another  and  are  loyal  to  it  cannot  be 
without  a  touch  of  greatness  themselves. 

Shakespeare  has  done  scanty  justiceUo  the  character  of 
_  Caesar.    The  figure  of  the  Dictator  is,  indeed, 

yulius  Casar.    .  ....  .  ...  . 

invested  with  a  certain  majesty,  but  it  is  a  majesty 
that  is  far  on  the  wane.  Age  has  quenched  his  bodily  vigour, 
and  possession  of  power  has  spoilt  his  nature.    He  is  not  in 

^  Perhaps  so  as  not  to  alienate  all  sympathy  from  the  conspirators. 



Julius  CcEsar  the  heroic  conqueror  of  western  Europe,  but 
"Caesar  old,  decaying,  failing  both  in  mind  and  body." 

Witness  his  pride  and  boastfulness.  He  proclaims  himself 
more  dangerous  than  danger  itself  (ll.  2.  44,  45);  Arrogant  and 
he  knows  but  one  constant,  unchanging  man  in  all  ^^^^^f^^- 
the  world — himself  (ill.  i.  68 — 71);  he  speaks  often  (cf.  IL  2.  10, 
29,  44)  as  if  "Caesar"  stood  for  some  deity;  he  is  impeccable — 
"Caesar  doth  not  wrong"  (ill.  i.  47).  The  Senate  is 
Senate"  (ill.  i.  32);  though  their  meeting  is  to  be  adjourned  for 
his  pleasure,  he  will  not  even  send  them  a  courteous  message 
(11.  2.  71,  72).  He  removes  the  Tribunes  from  their  public 
office  because  of  a  personal  slight  to  himself  (l.  2.  288 — ^290). 
He  rejects  the  petition  of  Metellus  with  insulting  scorn  (iii.  i.  46). 

He  has  all  the  inconsistency  of  weakness  :  vacillates  and 
changes  his  mind  with  Calpurnia  and  later  with  , 

°  Inconsistent. 

Deems,  yet  boasts  of  his  "constancy"  (ill.  i.  60) ; 
affects  disdain  of  flattery,  and  is  "then  most  flattered"  (il.  i. 
208) ;  expresses  contempt  of  the  Senate  ("  graybeards "),  yet 
seems  afraid  of  their  ridicule  (il.  2.  96 — 107).  He  makes  so 
many  protestations  of  courage  that  we  begin  to  doubt  him.  He 
thinks  himself  so  good  a  judge  of  character  that  he  dismisses 
the  Soothsayer  after  a  single  glance  as  "  a  dreamer  "  ;  but  never 
suspects  the  conspirators,  Cassius  excepted  (i.  2.  ^ 

^  ^  .  .  ..      .  Superstitious. 

192 — 212).  He  has  grown  superstitious,  quite 
from  the  main  opinion  he  held  once"  (ii.  i.  196).  He  is  pleased 
by  Decius's  interpretation  of  Calpurnia's  dream  because  it  is  full 
of  compliment  to  himself,  and  does  not  perceive  that  it  evades 
the  really  evil  omen,  viz.  the  shedding  of  his  blood.  There 
is  something  theatrical  in  his  "plucking  ope  his  doublet" 
(l.  2.  267).  His  longing  for  the  crown  and  anger  (i.  2.  183)  that 
he  dare  not  accept  it  show  weakness  and  lack  of  self-control. 

Physically  too  the  Dictator  is  broken  ;  subject  a  picture  of 
to  epilepsy  (i.  2.  254—256)  and  deaf  (i.  2.  213).  f^^^^^^ZZi 
Shakespeare,  in  fact,  has  depicted  for  us  the  twilight  decaying. 
of  a  great  character  and  career,  lit  only  by  rare  flashes^  of  the 
former  majesty.  And  yet  he  does  make  us  feel  what  Csesar  has 
^  See  especially  iii.  i.  8. 



been  in  the  fulness  of  his  powers,  and  what  he  has  accomplished, 
by  showing  that  his  personality  and  influence  are  invincible  even 
by  death.  The  enfeebled  frame,  we  see,  is  struck  down,  the 
arrogant  voice  silenced  ;  but  "  Caesar's  spirit "  rises  triumphant, 
and  thus  his  infirmities  become  as  it  were  a  "foil  to  his 
irresistible  might  when  set  free  from  physical  trammels  ^Z' 
Portia  is  the  counterpart  of  Brutus — a  "softened  reflection 2" 
„    .       of  him.   As  he  cannot  forget  that  he  is  a  "  Brutus," 


SO  she  is  filled  with  the  consciousness  of  being 
(II.  I.  293,  295) 

"A  woman  that  Lord  Brutus  took  to  wife, 
A  woman  well-reputed, — Cato's  daughter." 

The  feeling  that  she  is  "so  fathered  and  so  husbanded"  lends 
her  a  certain  self-control,  though  less  than  she  thinks.  For 
really  hers,  like  his,  is  a  most  sensitive  nature.  She  is  full  of 
womanly  tenderness,  as  we  see  from  her  anxiety  about  Brutus 
(11.  i),  and  the  superficial  composure  gives  way  under  the  test 
of  a  great  emotion  :  witness  her  overmastering  excitement  on 
the  morning  of  the  carrying  out  of  the  conspiracy  (il.  4)  and  her 
confession : 

**Ay  me,  how  weak  a  thing 
The  heart  of  woman  is  I " 

Hence  she  cannot  endure  to  the  end  to  see  the  issue  of  the 
conspiracy.  The  strain  proves  too  great ;  she  "  falls  distract " 
and  kills  herself  (iv.  3.  155,  156). 

One  of  the  most  beautiful  features  of  Julius  Casar  is  the 
picture  (ll.  i.  234 — 309)  of  the  ideal  relation  of  husband  to  wife. 
"This  absolute  communion  of  soul  is  in  designed  contrast  to 
the  shallow  relation  of  Caesar  and  Calpurnia.  The  dictator 
treats  his  wife  as  a  child  to  be  humoured  or  not  according  to 
his  caprice,  but  Portia  assumes  that,  '  by  the  right  and  virtue  of 
her  place,'  she  is  entitled  to  share  her  husband's  inmost  thoughts. 
Brutus  discloses  to  her  the  secret  which  lies  so  heavily  upon  his 
heart,  and  we  know  that  it  is  inviolably  safe  in  her  keeping  1." 

^  F.  S.  Boas,  Skakspere  and  his  Predecessors, 
*  See  Mrs  Jameson's  Characteristics  of  Women, 





We  have  seen  that  Julius  CcBsar  presents  with  substantial 
Not  an  accu-  ^ccuracy  the  political  facts  on  which  it  is  based ; 
rnte^  ^-  ^^^^  cannot,  however,  lay  claim  to  correctness  as  a 
Roman  life  picture  of  Romati  life  and  manners.  It  stands  in 
and  manners,  ^j^-^  j-^spect  on  the  Same  footing  as  Shakespeare's 
other  historical  plays.  Whether  he  is  treating  English  history 
or  Roman  or  Celtic  (as  in  Macbeth),  the  social  circumstances 
and  customs  attributed  to  the  dramatis  personce  have  a  strongly 
Elizabethan  colouring. 

For  instance,  *'he  arrays  his  characters  in  the  dress  of  his 
own  time."    Caesar  wears  a  "doublet^"  (l.  2.  267) : 

Illustrations.  .  .      .  .  ,  .  .  / 

and  apparently  the  conspirators  have  those  wide- 
brimmed  hats  (11.  I.  73)  which  one  sees  in  Elizabethan  portraits. 
Elizabethan,  not  Roman,  associations  underlie  a  word  like  "  un- 
braced" (i.  3.  48,  II.  I.  262),  and  the  description  of  the  sick 
Caius  Ligarius  "wearing  a  kerchief"  (li.  i.  315).  Again, 
Shakespeare's  "  Rome resembled  Lohdon  somewhat.  His 
audience  would  be  reminded  of  the  Tower  (l.  3.  75),  and  of  the 
"watchmen"  (11.  2.  16)  who  had  charge  of  the  London  streets 
at  night.  The  "citizens^"  too  of  Julius  Ccssar  a.nd  Coriolanus^ 
represent  rather  an  English  mob  than  the  plebs  of  Roman 
history.  References  to  "glasses"  (i.  2.  68,  n.  i.  205)  and 
striking  "  clocks  "  (il.  2.  1 14)  come  inappropriately  from  the  lips 
of  Romans  of  that  age*. 

^  ** Doublets"  are  among  the  "spoils"  of  the  Romans  at  Corioli — 
CoriolanuSy  I.  5.  7.  In  fact,  Shakespeare  introduces  the  word  in- 
differently in  plays  that  refer  severally  to  England,  Denmark  (Hamlet^ 
II.  I.  78),  Italy  (The  Merchant  of  Venice,  I.  2.  80). 

*  Some  editors  find  ini.  i.  4,  5,  "without  the  sign  of  your  profession," 
a  glance  at  the  symbols  of  their  trades  worn  by  members  of  the  Trade- 
Guilds.    See  also  the  note  on  11.  i.  285. 

The  remark  applies  more  to  Coriolaims. 

^  Most  of  the  illustrations  given  in  the  above  paragraph  have  been 
pointed  out  by  various  editors. 



Such  inaccuracies  conflict  with  the  modern  feeling  on  the 
subject.  Now  correctness  of  local  and  historical  colour"  is 
required  in  a  novel  or  play,  just  as  on  the  stage  all  the 
accessories^  of  scenery  and  dress  must  represent  faithfully  the 
place  and  period  of  the  action.  But  it  would  be  equally  un- 
critical and  unfair  to  judge  the  Elizabethan  drama  from  a 
modern  point  of  view  and  to  look  for  "realism"  of  effect.  To 
begin  with,  the  Shakespearean  theatre  possessed 
inadequate  HO  scenery,  and  only  the  rudest  stage-equipment. 
^mentln'the  Doubtless,  the  poverty  of  its  arrangements  had 
^he^curf^"'^^  Something  to  do  with  the  indifference  of  the 
dramatists  as  to  accuracy  in  points  of  detail.  De- 
scriptions of  places  needed  not  to  be  precisely  correct,  when  a 

^  Attention  to  these  matters  is  comparatively  modern  on  the  English 
stage.  Referring  to  the  actors  of  the  eighteenth  century,  Sir  Walter  Scott 
says  {^Quarterly  Review^  April,  1826) : 

**  Before  Kemble's  time  there  was  no  such  thing  as  regular 
costume  observed  in  our  theatres.  The  actors  represented  Macbeth 
and  his  wife,  Belvidera  and  Jaffier  [in  Otvvay*s  Venice  Preserved^  and 
most  other  characters,  whatever  the  age  or  country  in  which  the  scene 
was  laid,  in  the  cast-off  court  dresses  of  the  nobility.... Some  few 
characters,  by  a  sort  of  prescriptive  theatrical  right,  always  retained  the 
costume  of  their  times — Falstaff,  for  example,  and  Richard  III.  But 
such  exceptions  only  rendered  the  general  appearance  more  anomalous.... 
Every  theatrical  reader  must  recollect  the  additional  force  which  Macklin 
gave  to  the  Jew  [Shylock]  at  his  first  appearance  in  that  character,  when 
he  came  on  the  stage  dressed  with  his  red  hat,  peaked  beard,  and  loose 
black  gown,  a  dress  which  excited  Pope's  curiosity,  who  desired  to 
know  in  particular  why  he  wore  a  red  hat.  Macklin  replied  modestly, 
because  he  had  read  that  the  Jews  in  Venice  were  obliged  to  wear  hats 
of  that  colour.  *  And  pray,  Mr  Macklin,'  said  Pope,  *  do  players  in 
general  take  such  pains?'  *I  do  not  know,  sir,'  said  Macklin,  'that 
they  do,  but,  as  I  had  staked  my  reputation  on  the  character,  I  was 
determined  to  spare  no  trouble  in  getting  at  the  best  information.* 
Pope  expressed  himself  much  pleased."  (Quoted  in  Dr  Furness's  Lear^ 
p.  446.)  The  red  hat,  I  believe,  is  now  discarded,  but  the  loose  gown 
retained  for  Shylock.  Tradition  assigns  to  Macklin  the  honour  of 
having  restored  to  the  stage  the  tragic  rendering  of  the  part  of  Shylock, 
which  had  been  turned  into  a  vulgar,  comic  caricature  of  the  Jews. 



chalked  board  was  the  sole  indication  whether  the  scene  was 
laid  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber  or  the  Thames.  There  was 
little  incongruity,  after  all,  in  making  Caesar  wear  a  doublet'^ : 
the  actor  who  took  the  part  would  appear  in  one. 

In  the  second  place— but  this  is  really  the  more  important 
cause — the  general  conditions  and  characteristics  of  that  age 
were  wholly  different.  It  is  the  difference  between  a  creative 
and  a  critical  age.  The  Elizabethan  was  a  creative,  imaginative 
era,  the  classics  were  a  new  acquisition,  and  Elizabethan  writers 
.  drew  upon  these  new  stores  of  inspiration  and 

Imaginative  ^  ... 

treatment  of  interest  With  the  free  imaginativeness  that  cares 
t^  c/ojwcj^^  ^.^^  more  than  the  strict  letter.    Poets  took 

than  age.  classical  themes  and  reset  them  amid  romantic 
surroundings,  unconscious  or  careless  of  the  confusion  of  effect 
that  was  produced  by  the  union  of  old  and  new.  In  time  the 
creative  impulse  dies  away;  the  critical  spirit  rises,  and  with 
it  come  fuller  knowledge,  care  over  details,  and  accuracy 

^  In  an  interesting  passage  on  the  treatment  of  history  in  the  old 
Miracle  plays  Mr  Boas  says  : 

"The  method  followed... ignores  all  distinctions  of  time  or  place. 
The  personages  in  the  plays  are  Jews  or  Romans,  but  there  is  no 
attempt  to  reproduce  the  life  of  the  East  or  of  classical  antiquity.  On 
the  contrary,  we  see  before  us  the  knights,  the  churchmen,  the  burghers 
of  the  Middle  Ages,  with  their  religious  and  social  surroundings. ...In 
the  Coventry  Series  the  Jewish  high  priest  appears  as  a  mediaeval  bishop 
with  his  court  for  the  trial  of  ecclesiastical  offences,  in  which  those  fare 
best  who  pay  best.  Herod  and  Pilate  are  practically  feudal  lords,  the 
one  an  arbitrary  tyrant,  the  other  ready  to  do  justice  in  'Parliament.'... 
Thus  Shakspere,  when  he  placed  his  Roman  and  Celtic  characters 
amid  the  conditions  of  his  own  time,  was  perpetuating  a  distinctive 
feature  of  the  early  English  drama." — Shakspere  and  his  Predecessors^ 
pp.  8,  9. 

I  suppose  that  for  an  Elizabethan  less  learned  than  Ben  Jonson  it 
would  have  been  difficult  to  obtain  much  knowledge  of  classical  antiqui- 
ties and  social  life,  had  he  wished  to  do  so. 





Julius  CcBsar  (says  Dr  Brandes)  "was  received  with  applause, 
and  soon  became  very  popular.  Of  this  we  have  contemporary 
evidence.  Leonard  Digges  [in  his  complimentary  lines^  on 
Shakespeare  prefixed  to  the  1640  edition  of  Shakespeare's 
Poems]  vaunts  its  scenic  attractiveness  at  the  expense  of  Ben 
Jonson's  Roman  plays; 

*So  have  I  scene,  when  Cesar  would  appeare, 
And  on  the  Stage  at  halfe-sword  parley  were 
Brutus  and  Cassiusi  oh  how  the  Audience 
Were  ravish'd,  with  what  new  wonder  they  went  thence, 
When  some  new  day  they  would  not  brook  a  line 
Of  tedious  (though  well  labour'd)  Catiline.* 
The  learned  rejoiced  in  the  breath  of  air  from  ancient  Rome 
which  met  them  in  these  scenes,  and  the  populace  was  en- 
tertained and  fascinated  by  the  striking  events  and  heroic 
characters  of  the  drama.... The  immediate  success  of  the  play  is 
proved  by  this  fact,  among  others,  that  it  at  once  called  forth 
a  rival  production  on  the  same  theme.    Henslow  notes  in  his 
diary  that  in  May,  1602,  he  paid  five  pounds  for  a  drama  called 
CcEsar's  Fall  to  the  poets  Munday,  Drayton,  Webster,  Middle- 
ton,  and  another.    It  was  evidently  written  to  order.    And  as 
Julius  CcBsar,  in  its  novelty,  was  unusually  successful,  so,  too, 
we  still  find  it  reckoned  one  of  Shakespeare's  greatest  and 
profoundest  plays,  unlike  the  English  *  Histories in  standing 
alone  and  self-sufficient,  characteristically  composed,  forming  a 
rounded  whole  in  spite  of  its  apparent  scission  at  the  death 
of  Caesar,  and  exhibiting  a  remarkable  insight  into  Roman 

^  They  mention  some  of  the  most  popular  of  Shakespeare's 
characters:  in  particular  Beatrice  and  Benedick  in  Much  Ado  and 
Malvolio  in  Twelfth  Night.  The  writer  **  asserted  that  every  revival 
of  Shakespeare's  plays  drew  crowds  to  pit,  boxes,  and  galleries  alike  " 
(Lee,  Life  of  Shakespeare^  p.  329). 

^  i.e.  Shakespeare's  historical  plays  which  are  connected  e.g.  i  and 
2  Henry  IV»  and  Henry  V, 


J.  c. 


triumvirs  after  the  death  of  Julius  Caesar. 


^  conspirators  against  Julius  Caesar* 

Julius  C^^sar. 


Marcus  Antonius, 
M.  ^MiLius  Lepidus, 


PopiLius  Lena, 
Marcus  Brutus, 


Decius  Brutus, 
Metellus  Cimber, 


Flavius  and  Marullus,  tribunes. 
Artemidorus  of  Cnidos,  a  teacher  of  rhetoric. 
A  Soothsayer. 
Cinna,  a  poet. 
Another  Poet. 


Young  Cato, 
PiNDARUS,  servant  to  Cassius. 

Calpurnia,  wife  to  Caesar. 
Portia,  wife  to  Brutus. 

Senators,  Citizens,  Guards,  Attendants,  &c. 

Scene — During  a  great  part  of  ihe  play  at  Rome ;  afterwards 
near  Sardis,  and  near  Philippi. 

friends  to  Brutus  and  Cassius, 

V  servants  to  Brutus. 


ACT  I. 

Scene  I.    Rome,    A  street. 

Enter  Flavius,  Marullus,  and  certain  Citizens. 

Flav,    Hence !  home,  you  idle  creatures,  get  you  home : 
Is  this  a  hohday  ?  what !  know  you  not. 
Being  mechanical,  you  ought  not  walk 

Upon  a  labouring  day  without  the  sign  ^ 
Of  your  profession?    Speak,  what  trade  art  thou? 

First  Citizen,    Why,  sir,  a  carpenter. 

Marullus.    Where  is  thy  leather  apron  and  thy  rule? 
What  dost  thou  with  thy  best  apparel  on? 
You,  sir,  what  trade  are  you? 

Secofid  Citizen.  Truly,  sir,  in  respect  of  a  fine  work- 
man, I  am  but,  as  you  would  say,  a  cobbler.  ii 

Marullus.    But  what  trade  art  thou?  answer  me  directly. 

Second  Citizen.  A  trade,  sir,  that  I  hope  I  may  use  with 
a  safe  conscience;  which  is,  indeed,  sir,  a  mender  of  bad 

Marullus.    What   trade,   thou   knave?    thou  naughty 
knave,  what  trade? 

I  2 



[ACT  I. 

Second  Citizen.  Nay,  I  beseech  you,  sir,  be  not  out  with 
me :  yet,  if  you  be  out,  sir,  I  can  mend  you. 

Maridlus,  What  meanest  thou  by  that  ?  mend  me,  thou 
saucy  fellow  !  21 
-  Second  Citizen.    Why,  sir,  cobble  you. 

Flavins.    Thou  art  a  cobbler,  art  thou? 

Second  Citizen.  Truly,  sir,  all  that  1  live  by  is  with  the 
awl :  I  meddle  with  no  tradesman's  matters,  nor  women's 
matters;  but  withal  I  am,  indeed,  sir,  a  surgeon  to  old 
shoes ;  when  they  are  in  great  danger,  I  re-cover  them.  As 
proper  men  as  ever  trod  upon  neat's-leather  have  gone 
upon  my  handiwork.  30 

Flavins.    But  wherefore  art  not  in  thy  shop  to-day? 
Why  dost  thou  lead  these  men  about  the  streets  ? 

Second  Citizen.  Truly,  sir,  to  wear  out  their  shoes,  to  get 
myself  into  more  work.  But,  indeed,  sir,  we  make  holiday, 
to  see  Caesar,  and  to  rejoice  in  his  triumph. 

Marullus.    Wherefore  rejoice?    What  conquest  brings 
he  home? 
What  tributaries  follow  him  to  Rome, 
To  grace  in  captive  bonds  his  chariot-wheels? 
You  blocks,  you  stones,  you  worse  than  senseless  things ! 
O  you  hard  hearts,  you  cruel  men  of  Rome,  41 
Knew  you  not  Pompey  ?    Many  a  time  and  oft 
Have  you  climb'd  up  to  walls  and  battlements, 
To  towers  and  windows,  yea,  to  chimney-tops, 
Your  infants  in  your  arms,  and  there  have  sat 
The  live-long  day,  with  patient  expectation, 
To  see  great  Pompey  pass  the  streets  of  Rome : 
And  when  you  saw  his  chariot  but  appear, 
Have  you  not  made  an  universal  shout, 
That  Tiber  trembled  underneath  her  banks,  50 
To  hear  the  replication  of  your  sounds 

JULIUS  Ci^:Sx\R, 


Made  in  her  concave  shores? 

And  do  you  now  put  on  your  best  attire? 

And  do  you  now  cull  out  a  holiday  ? 

And  do  you  now  strew  flowers  in  his  way 

That  comes  in  triumph  over  Pompey's  blood : 

Be  gone ! 

Run  to  your  houses,  fall  upon  your  knees, 

Pray  to  the  gods  to  intermit  the  plague 

That  needs  must  light  on  this  ingratitude.  60 

Flavius.    Go,  go,  good  countrymen,  and,  for  this  fault, 
Assemble  all  the  poor  men  of  your  sort; 
Draw  them  to  Tiber  banks,  and  weep  your  tears 
Into  the  channel,  till  the  lowest  stream 
Do  kiss  the  most  exalted  shores  of  all,   \Exeicnt  Citizens. 
See,  whether  their  basest  metal  be  not  mov'd  ! 
They  vanish  tongue-tied  in  their  guiltiness. 
Go  you  down  that  way  towards  the  Capitol; 
This  way  will  I :  -^disrobe  the  images. 
If  you  do  find  them  deck'd  with  ceremonies,  70 

Marullus.    May  we  do  so  ? 
You  know  it  is  the  feast  of  Lupercal. 

Flavins.    It  is  no  matter ;  let  no  images 
Be  hung  with  Csesar's  trophies.    I'll  about, 
And  drive  away  the  vulgar  from  the  streets  : 
So  do  you  too,  where  you  perceive  them  thick. 
These  growing  feathers  pluck'd  from  Cesar's  v/ing 
Will  make  him  fly  an  ordinary  pitch; 
Who  else '.would  soar  above  the  view  of  men, 
And  keep  us  all  in  servile  fearfulness.  80  {^Exeunt. 



[ACT  I. 

Scene  II.   A  public  place. 

Enter  J  in  procession,  with  music^  Ci^:sAR;  Antony,  for  the 
course;  Calpurnia,  Portia,  Decius,  Cicero,  Brutus, 
Cassius,  and  Casca  ;  a  great  crowd  following^  among 
them  a  Soothsayer. 

Ccesar,    Calpurnia ! 

Casca.  Peace,  ho  !  Caesar  speaks. 

\]\fusic  ceases. 

Ccesar.  -  Calpurnia ! 

Calpurnia.    Here,  rny  lord. 

CcBsar.    Stand  you  directly  in  Antonius'  way, 
When  he  doth  run  his  course. — Antonius  ! 

A?itony.    Cfesar,  my  lord  ? 

Ccesar.    Forget  not,  in  your  speed,  Antonius, 
To  touch  Calpurnia ;  for  our  elders  say, 
The  barren,  touched  in  this  holy  chase, 
Shake  off  their  sterile  curse. 

A?ito7iy.  I  shall  remember : 

When  Caesar  says  "  Do  this,"  it  is  perform'd.  lo 

Ccesar.    Set  on  ;  and  leave  no  ceremony  out.  [/Jusic 

Soothsayer.    Caesar ! 

Caesar,    Ha  !  who  calls  ? 

Casca.    Bid  every  noise  be  still  \- — peace  yet  again  ! 

[^Aftisic  ceases. 

CcE-sar.    Who  is  it  in  the  press  that  calls  on  me? 
I  hear  a  tongue,  shriller  than  all  the  music. 
Cry  "Caesar."    Speak;  Caesar  is  turn'd  to  hear. 

Soothsayer.    Beware  the  ides  of  March. 

Ccesar.  What  man  is  that  ? 

Brutus.  A  soothsayer  bids  you  beware  the  ides  of  March. 

Ccesar.    Set  him  before  me ;  let  me  see  his  face.  20 

Cass.    Fellow,  come  from  the  throng;  look  upon  Csesar. 


sc.  II.] 



CcBs,   What  say'st  thou  to  me  now?  speak  once  again. 

Soothsayer,    Beware  the  ides  of  March. 

Ccesar.    He  is  a  dreamer ;  let  us  leave  him  : — pass. 

\_Sennet.    Exeunt  all  except  Brutus  and  Cassius, 
Cassius.    Will  you  go  see  the  order  of  the  course? 
Brutus.    Not  I. 
Cassius,    I  pray  you,  do. 

Brutus.    I  am  not  gamesome :  I  do  lack  some  part 
Of  that  quick  spirit  that  is  in  Antony, 
Let  me  not  hinder,  Cassius,  your  desires;  30 
I'll  leave  you. 

Cassius.    Brutus,  I  do  observe  you  now  of  late: 
I  have  not  from  your  eyes  that  gentleness 
And  show  of  love  as  I  was  wont  to  have : 
You  bear  too  stubborn  and  too  strange  a  hand 
Over  your  friend  that  loves  you. 

Brutus.  Cassius, 
Be  not  deceived :  if  I  l^ave  veiFd  my  look, 
I  turn  the  trouble  of  my  countenance 
Merely  upon  myself.    Vexed  I  'am  ^ 
Of  late  with  passions  of  some  difference,  40 
Conceptions  only  proper  to  myself, 
Which  give  some  soil,  perhaps,  to  my  behaviours; 
But  let  not  therefore  my  good  friends  be  griev'd, — 
Among  which  number,  Cassius,  be  you  one, — 
Nor  construe  any  further  my  neglect, 
Than  that  poor  Brutus,  with  himself  at  war, 
Forgets  the  shows  of  love  to  other  men. 

Cass.   Then,  Brutus,  I  have  much  mistook  your  passion ; 
By  means  whereof  this  breast  of  mine  hath  buried 
Thoughts  of  great  value,  worthy  cogitations.  50 
Tell  me,  good  Brutus,  can  you  see  your  face  ? 

Brutus.    No,  Cassius  j  for  the  eye  sees  not  itself 



[act  I. 

But  by  reflection,  by  some  other  things. 

Cassius,    'Tis  just : 
And  it  is  very  much  lamented,  Brutus, 
That  you  have  no  such  mirrors  as  will  turn 
Your  hidden  worthiness  into  your  eye, 
That  you  might  see  your  shadow.    I  have  heard, 
Where  many  of  the  best  respect  in  Rome, — 
Except  immortal  Caesar, — speaking  of  Brutus,  60 
And  groaning  underneath  this  age's  yoke, 
Have  wish'd  that  noble  Brutus  had  his  eyes. 

Bru.    Into  what  dangers  would  you  lead  me,  Cassius, 
That  you  would  have  me  seek  into  myself 
For  that  which  is  not  in  me? 

Cassius,    Therefore,  good  Brutus,  be  prepared  to  hear : 
And,  since  you  know  you  cannot  see  yourself 
So  well  as  by  reflection,  I,  your  glass. 
Will  modestly  discover  to  yourself 

That  of  yourself  which  you  yet  know  not  of.  70 

And  be  not  jealous  on  me,  gentle  Brutus: 

Were  I  a  common  laugher,  or  did  use 

To  stale  with  ordinary  oaths  my  love 

To  every  new  protester;  if  you  know 

That  I  do  fawn  on  men,  and  hug  them  hard, 

And  after  scandal  them ;  or  if  you  know 

That  I  profess  myself  in  banqueting 

To  all  the  rout,  then  hold  me  dangerous. 

[Flourish  and  shout, 

Bru,  What  means  this  shouting?  I  do  fear,  the  people 
Choose  Caesar  for  their  king. 

Cassius.  Ay,  do  you  fear  it?  80 

Then  must  I  think  you  would  not  have  it  so. 

Brutus,  I  would  not,  Cassius ;  yet  I  love  him  well. — 
But  wherefore  do  you  hold  me  here  so  long? 

sc.  II.]  JULIUS  C^SAR. 

What  is  it  that  you  would  impart  to  me  ? 

If  it  be  aught  toward  the  general  good, 

Set  honour  in  one  eye,  and  death  i'  the  other, 

And  I  will  look  on  both  indifferently; 

For  let  the  gods  so  speed  me  as  I  love 

The  name  of  honour  more  than  I  fear  death. 

Cassius.     I  know  that  virtue  to  be  in  you,  Brutus, 
As  well  as  I  do  know  your  outward  favour. 
Well,  honour  is  the  subject  of  my  story. — 
I  cannot  tell  what  you  and  other  men 
Think  of  this  life;  but,  for  my  single  self, 
I  had  as  lief  not  be  as  live  to  be 
In  awe  of  such  a  thing  as  I  myself 
I  was  born  free  as  Caesar ;  so  were  you : 
We  both  have  fed  as  well;  and  we  can  both 
Endure  the  winter's  cold  as  well  as  he : 
For  once,  upon  a  raw  and  gusty  day, 
The  troubled  Tiber  chafing  with  her  shores, 
Caesar  said  to  me,  "  Dar'st  thou,  Cassius,  now 
Leap  in  with  me  into  this  angry  flood. 
And  swim  to  yonder  point?"    Upon  the  word, 
Accoutred  as  I  was,  I  plunged  in, 
And  bade  him  follow :  so,  indeed,  he  did. 
The  torrent  roared,  and  we  did  buffet  it 
With  lusty  sinews,  throwing  it  aside 
And  stemming  it  with  hearts  of  controversy: 
But  ere  we  could  arrive  the  point  propos'd, 
Caesar  cried,  "Help  me,  Cassius,  or  I  sink!" 
I,  as  ^neas,  our  great  ancestor, 
Did  from  the  flames  of  Troy  upon  his  shoulder 
The  old  Anchises  bear,  so  from  the  waves  of  Tiber 
Did  I  the  tired  Caesar.    And  this  man 
Is  now  become  a  god;  and  Cassius  is 


A  wretched  creature,  and  must  bend  his  body, 

If  Caesar  carelessly  but  nod  on  him. 

He  had  a  fever  when  he  was  in  Spain, 

And,  when  the  fit  was  on  him,  I  did  mark  120 

How  he  did  shake  :  'tis  true,  this  god  did  shake : 

His  coward  lips  did  from  their  colour  fly; 

And  that  same  eye,  whose  bend  doth  awe  the  world, 

Did  lose  his  lustre :  I  did  hear  him  groan  : 

Ay,  and  that  tongue  of  his,  that  bade  the  Romans 

Mark  him,  and  write  his  speeches  in  their  books, 

Alas,  it  cried,  "Give  me  some  drink,  Titinius," 

As  a  sick  girl.    Ye  gods,  it  doth  amaze  me 

A  man  of  such  a  feeble  temper  should 

So  get  the  start  of  the  majestic  world,  130 

And  bear  the  palm  'alone.  \_Floimsh  and  shout. 

Brutus.    Another  general  shout ! 
I  do  believe  that  these  applauses  are 
For  some  new  honours  that  are  heap'd  on  Caesar. 

Cassius,   Why,  man,  he  doth  bestride  the  narrow  world 
Like  a  Colossus,  and  we  petty  men 
Walk  under  his  huge  legs,  and  peep  about 
To  find  ourselves  dishonourable  graves. 
Men  at  some  time  are  masters  of  their  fates : 
The  fault,  dear  Brutus,  is  not  in  our  stars,  140 
But  in  ourselves,  that  we  are  underlings. 

*  Brutus '  and  *  Caesar ' :  what  should  be  in  that  ^  Caesar  ? ' 
Why  should  that  name  be  sounded  more  than  yours? 
Write  them  together,  yours  is  as  fair  a  name; 

Sound  them,  it  doth  become  the  mouth  as  well; 
Weigh  them,  it  is  as  heavy;  conjure  with  'em, 

*  Brutus '  will  start  a  spirit  as  soon  as  *  Caesar.' 
Now,  in  the  names  of  all  the  gods  at  once, 
Upon  what  meat  doth  this  our  Caesar  feed, 

sc.  II.] 



That  he  is  grown  so  great?    Age,  thou  art  sham'd !  150 

Rome,  thou  hast  lost  the  breed  of  noble  bloods ! 

When  went  there  by  an  age,  since  the  great  flood, 

But  it  was  fam'd  with  more  than  with  one  man? 

When  could  they  say,  till  now,  that  talk'd  of  Rome, 

That  her  wide  walls  encompass'd  but  one  man? 

Now  is  it  Rome  indeed,  and  room  enough, 

When  there  is  in  it  but  one  only  man. 

O,  you  and  I  have  heard  our  fathers  say, 

There  was  a  Brutus  once  that  would  have  brooks 

The  eternal  devil  to  keep  his  state  in  Rome  160 

As  easily  as  a  king. 

Brutus,    That  you  do  love  me,  I  am  nothing  jealous ; 
What  you  would  work  me  to,  I  have  some  aim  : 
How  I  have  thought  of  this,  and  of  these  times, 
I  shall  recount  hereafter;  for  this  present, 
I  would  not,  so  with  love  I  might  entreat  you, 
Be  any  further  mov'd.    What  you  have  said, 
I  will  consider;  what  you  have  to  say, 
I  will  with  patience  hear;  and  find  a  time 
Both  meet  to  hear  and  answer  such  high  things.  170 
Till  then,  my  noble  friend,  chew  upon  this : 
Brutus  had  rather  be  a  villager 
Than  to  repute  himself  a  son  of  Rome 
Under  these  hard  conditions  as  this  time 
Is  like  to  lay  upon  us. 

Cassius,  I  am  glad 

That  my  weak  words  have  struck  but  thus  much  show 
Of  fire  from  Brutus. 

Brutus.    The  games  are  done,  and  C^sar  is  returning. 

Cassius,  As  they  pass  by,  pluck  Casca  by  the  sleeve; 
And  he  will,  after  his  sour  fashion,  tell  you  180 
What  hath  proceeded  worthy  note  to-day. 



[act  I. 

Re-enter  Ci^:SAR  and  his  Train, 

Brutus,    I  will  do  so.    But,  look  you,  Cassius, 
The  angry  spot  doth  glow  on  Cesar's  brow, 
And  all  the  rest  look  like  a  chidden  train : 
Calpurnia's  cheek  is  pale;  and  Cicero 
Looks  with  such  ferret  and  such  fiery  eyes 
As  we  have  seen  him  in  the  Capitol, 
Being  cross'd  in  conference  by  some  senators. 

Cassius,    Casca  will  tell  us  what  the  matter  is. 

CcEsar.    Antonius !  190 

Antony,    Csesar  ? 

Ccesar.    Let  me  have  men  about  me  that  are  fat; 
Sleek-headed  men,  and  such  as  sleep  o'  nights : 
Yond  Cassius  has  a  lean  and  hungry  look; 
He  thinks  too  much:  such  men  are  dangerous. 

Antony,    Fear  him  not,  Caesar ;  he's  not  dangerous ; 
He  is  a  noble  Roman,  and  well  given. 

Ccesar,    Would  he  were  fatter ! — but  I  fear  him  not : 
Yet  if  my  name  were  liable  to  fear, 

I  do  not  know  the  man  I  should  avoid  200 

So  soon  as  that  spare  Cassius.    He  reads  much; 

He  is  a  great  observer,  and  he  looks 

Quite  through  the  deeds  of  men;  he  loves  no  plays, 

As  thou  dost,  Antony ;  he  hears  no  music  : 

Seldom  he  smiles,  and  smiles  in  such  a  sort 

As  if  he  mock'd  himself,  and  scorned  his  spirit 

That  could  be  mov'd  to  smnle  at  any  thing. 

Such  men  as  he  be  never  at  heart's  ease 

Whiles  they  behold  a  greater  than  themselves ; 

And  therefore  are  they  very  dangerous.  210 

I  rather  tell  thee  what  is  to  be  fear'd 

Than  what  I  fear;  for  always  I  am  Caesar. 

sc.  II.] 


Come  on  my  right  hand,  for  this  ear  is  deaf. 
And  tell  me  truly  what  thou  think'st  of  him. 

[Sennet.  Exeunt  Ccesar  and  all  his  Train^  except  Casca. 
Casca.   You  pull'd  me  by  the  cloak ;  would  you  speak 
with  me? 

Brutus,  Ay,  Casca;  tell  us  what  hath  chanc'd  to-day, 
That  Caesar  looks  so  sad. 

Casca.    Why,  you  were  with  him,  were  you  not?  218 

Brutus.  I  should  not,  then,  ask  Casca  what  had  chanc'd. 

Casca.  Why,  there  was  a  crown  offered  him ;  and  being 
offered  him,  he  put  it  by  with  the  back  of  his  hand,  thus ; 
and  then  the  people  fell  a-shouting. 

Brutus.    What  was  the  second  noise  for? 

Casca.    Why,  for  that  too. 

Cassius.    They  shouted  thrice:  what  was  the  last  cry  for? 

Casca.    Why,  for  that  too. 

Brutus,    Was  the  crown  offered  him  thrice? 

Casca.  Ay,  marry,  was't,  and  he  put  it  by  thrice,  every 
time  gentler  than  other ;  and  at  every  putting-by  mine 
honest  neighbours  shouted.  231 

Cassius.    Who  offered  him  the  crown? 

Casca.    Why,  Antony. 

Brutus.    Tell  us  the  manner  of  it,  gentle  Casca. 

Casca.  I  can  as  well  be  hanged  as  tell  the  manner  of  it : 
it  was  mere  foolery;  I  did  not  mark  it.  I  saw  Mark 
Antony  offer  him  a  crown ; — yet  'twas  not  a  crown  neither, 
'twas  one  of  these  coronets ; — and,  as  I  told  you,  he  put 
it  by  once :  but,  for  all  that,  to  my  thinking,  he  would  fain 
have  had  it.  Then  he  offered  it  to  him  again;  then  he  put 
it  by  again  :  but,  to  my  thinking,  he  was  very  loth  to  lay  his 
fingers  off  it.  And  then  he  offered  it  the  third  time;  he 
put  it  the  third  time  by :  and  still  as  he  refused  it,  the 
rabblement  shouted,  and  clapped  their  chopped  hands,  and 


[act  I. 

threw  up  their  sweaty  nightcaps,  and  uttered  such  a  deal  of 
stinking'  breath  because  Caesar  refused  the  crown,  that  it 
had  ahnost  choked  Caesar ;  for  he  swooned,  and  fell  down 
at  it :  and  for  mine  own  part,  I  durst  not  laugh,  for  fear  of 
opening  my  lips  and  receiving  the  bad  air. 

Cassius.    But,  soft,  I  pray  you  :  what,  did  Csesar  swoon? 

Casca.  He  fell  dov/n  in  the  market-place,  and  foamed  at 
mouth,  and  was  speechless,  255 

Brutus.    'Tis  very  like ;  he  hath  the  falling  sickness. 

Cassius.    No,  C^sar  hath  it  not :  but  you,  and  I, 
And  honest  Casca,  we  have  the  falling  sickness, 

Casca.  I  know  not  what  you  mean  by  that ;  but,  I  am 
sure,  Caesar  fell  down.  If  the  tag-rag  people  did  not  clap 
him  and  hiss  him,  according  as  he  pleased  and  displeased 
them,  as  they  use  to  do  the  players  in  the  theatre,  I  am  no 
true  man. 

Brutus.    What  said  he  when  he  came  unto  himself? 

Casca.  Marry,  before  he  fell  down,  when  he  perceived 
the  common  herd  v/as  glad  he  refused  the  crown,  he  plucked 
me  ope  his  doublet,  and  offered  them  his  throat  to  cut : — 
an  I  had  been  a  man  of  any  occupation,  if  I  would  not  have 
taken  him  at  a  Word,  I  would  I  might  go  to  hell  among  the 
rogues: — and  so  he  fell.  When  he  came  to  himself  again, 
he  said.  If  he  had  done  or  said  any  thing  amiss,  he  desired 
their  worships  to  think  it  was  his  infirmity.  Three  or  four 
wenches,  where  I  stood,  cried,  Alas,  good  soul ! "  and  for- 
gave him  with  all  their  hearts  :  but  there's  no  heed  to  be 
taken  of  them;  if  Caesar  had  stabbed  their  mothers,  they 
would  have  done  no  less. 

Brutus.    And  after  that,  he  came,  thus  sad,  away? 

Casca.    Ay.  2S0 

Cassius.    Did  Cicero  say  any  thing? 

Casca.    Ay,  he  spoke  Greek. 

sc.  II.] 



Cassius.    To  what  effect? 

Casca.  Nay,  an  I  tell  you  that,  Fll  ne'er  look  you  i'  the 
face  again :  but  those  that  understood  him  smiled  at  one 
another,  and  shook  their  heads ;  but,  for  mine  own  part,  it 
was  Greek  to  me.  I  could  tell  you  more  news  too  :  Marul- 
lus  and  Flavius,  for  pulling  scarfs  off  Cesar's  images,  are  put 
to  silence.  Fare  you  well.  There  was  more  foolery  yet,  if 
I  could  remember  it.  291 

Cassius.    Will  you  sup  with  me  to-night,  Casca? 

Casca.    No,  I  am  promised  forth. 

Cassius.    Will  you  dine  with  me  to-morrow? 

Casca.  Ay,  if  I  be  alive,  and  your  mind  hold,  and  your 
dinner  worth  the  eating. 

Cassius.    Good;  I  will  expect  you. 

Casca.    Do  so :  farewell,  both.  \^Exit 

Brutus.    What  a  blunt  fellow  is  this  grown  to  be : 
He  was  quick  mettle  when  he  went  to  school.  300 

Cassius.    So  is  he  now,  in  execution 
Of  any  bold  or  noble  enterprise. 
However  he  puts  on  this  tardy  form. 
This  rudeness  is  a  sauce  to  his  good  wit, 
Which  gives  men  stomach  to  digest  his  words 
With  better  appetite. 

Brutus    And  so  it  is.   For  this  time  I  will  leave  you: 
To-morrow,  if  you  please  to  speak  with  me, 
I  will  come  home  to  you;  or,  if  you  will, 
Come  home  to  me,  and  I  will  wait  for  you.  310 

Cassius.    I  will  do  so:  till  then,  think  of  the  world. 

\Exit  Brutus, 

Well,  Brutus,  thou  art  noble;  yet,  I  see. 
Thy  honourable  metal  may  be  wrought 
From  that  it  is  disposed:  therefore  'tis  meet 
That  noble  minds  keep  ever  with  their  likes; 



[act  I. 

For  who  so  firm  that  cannot  be  seduc'd  ? 

Caesar  doth  bear  me  hard ;  but  he  loves  Brutus : 

If  I  were  Brutus  now,  and  he  were  Cassius, 

He  should  not  humour  me.    I  will  this  night, 

In  several  hands,  in  at  his  windows  throw,  320 

As  if  they  came  from  several  citizens, 

Writings  all  tending  to  the  great  opinion 

That  Rome  holds  of  his  name;  wherein  obscurely 

Caesar's  ambition  shall  be  glanced  at : 

And  after  this  let  Caesar  seat  him  sure ; 

For  we  will  shake  him,  or  worse  days  endure.  [£xit 

Scene  III.    A  street. 

Thunder  and  lightni?ig.  Enter ^  fro7n  opposite  sides^  Casca, 
with  his  sword  drawn^  and  Cicero. 

Cicero.  Good  even,  Casca:  brought  you  Caesar  home? 
Why  are  you  breathless?  and  why  stare  you  so? 

Casca.    Are  not  you  mov'd,  when  all  the  sway  of  earth 
Shakes  like  a  thing  unfirm?    O  Cicero, 
I  have  seen  tempests,  when  the  scolding  winds 
Have  riv'd  the  knotty  oaks ;  and  I  have  seen 
The  ambitious  ocean  swell  and  rage  and  foam, 
To  be  exalted  with  the  threatening  clouds  : 
But  never  till  to-night,  never  till  now, 
Did  I  go  through  a  tempest  dropping  fire,  10 
Either  there  is  a  civil  strife  in  heaven  ; 
Or  else  the  world,  too  saucy  with  the  gods, 
Incenses  them  to  send  destruction. 

Cicero.    Why,  saw  you  any  thing  more  wonderful? 

Casca.  A  common  slave — you  know  him  well  by  sight — 
Held  up  his  left  hand,  which  did  fiame  and  burn 

sc.  III.] 



Like  twenty  torches  join'd;  and  yet  his  hand, 

Not  sensible  of  fire,  remained  unscorch'd. 

Besides — I  ha*  not  since  put  up  my  sword — 

Against  the  Capitol  I  met  a  lion,  20 

Who  glar'd  upon  me,  and  went  surly  by. 

Without  annoying  me :  and  there  were  drawn 

Upon  a  heap  a  hundred  ghastly  women, 

Transformed  with  their  fear;  who  swore  they  saw 

Men  all  in  fire  walk  up  and  down  the  streets. 

And  yesterday  the  bird  of  night  did  sit 

Even  at  noonday  upon  the  market-place. 

Hooting  and  shrieking.    When  these  prodigies 

Do  so  conjointly  meet,  let  not  men  say, 

"These  are  their  reasons;  they  are  natural;"  30 

For,  I  believe,  they  are  portentous  things 

Unto  the  climate  that  they  point  upon. 

Cicero.    Indeed,  it  is  a  strange-disposed  time : 
But  men  may  construe  things  after  their  fashion, 
Clean  from  the  purpose  of  the  things  themselves. 
Comes  Caesar  to  the  Capitol  to-morrow? 

Casca,    He  doth;  for  he  did  bid  Antonius 
Send  word  to  you  he  would  be  there  to-morrow. 

Cicero,    Good  night,  then,  Casca:  this  disturbed  sky 
Is  not  to  walk  in. 

Casca,  Farewell,  Cicero.         \Exit  Cicero,  40 

Enter  Cassius. 

Cassius.    Who's  there? 

Casca.  A  Roman. 

Cassius.  Casca,  by  your  voice. 

Casca.    Your  ear  is  good.    Cassius,  what  night  is  this ! 

Cassius.    A  very  pleasing  night  to  honest  men. 

Casca.    Who  ever  knew  the  heavens  menace  so? 





[ACT  I. 

Cass.    Those  that  have  known  the  earth  so  full  of  fauits. 
For  my  part,  I  have  walked  about  the  streets, 
Submitting  me  unto  the  perilous  night; 
And  thus  unbraced,  Casca,  as  you  see. 
Have  bar'd  my  bosom  to  the  thunder-stone: 
And  when  the  cross  blue  lightning  seem'd  to  open  50 
The  breast  of  heaven,  I  did  present  myself 
Even  in  the  aim  and  very  flash  of  it. 

Casca.    But  wherefore  did  you  so  much  tempt  the 
heavens  ? 

It  is  the  part  of  men  to  fear  and  tremble, 
When  the  most  mighty  gods  by  tokens  send 
Such  dreadful  heralds  to  astonish  us. 

Cassius.    You  are  dull,  Casca;  and  those  sparks  of  life 
That  should  be  in  a  Roman  you  do  want. 
Or  else  you  use  not.    You  look  pale,  and  gaze. 
And  put  on  fear,  and  cast  yourself  in  wonder,  60 
To  see  the  strange  impatience  of  the  heavens : 
But  if  you  would  consider  the  true  cause 
Why  all  these  fires,  why  all  these  gliding  ghosts. 
Why  birds  and  beasts  from  quality  and  kind. 
Why  old  men  fool  and  children  calculate. 
Why  all  these  things  change  from  their  ordinance 
Their  natures  and  pre-formed  faculties 
To  monstrous  quality; — why,  you  shall  find 
That  heaven  hath  infus'd  them  with  these  spirits. 
To  make  them  instruments  of  fear  and  warning  70 
Unto  some  monstrous  state. 
Now  could  I,  Casca,  name  to  thee  a  man 
Most  like  this  dreadful  night. 
That  thunders,  lightens,  opens  graves,  and  roars 
As  doth  the  lion  in  the  Capitol, — 
A  man  no  mightier  than  thyself  or  me 

sc.  III.] 


In  personal  action ;  yet  prodigious  grown, 
And  fearful,  as  these  strange  eruptions  are. 

Casca,    'Tis  Caesar  that  you  mean;  is  it  not,  Cassius? 

Cassius.    Let  it  be  who  it  is ;  for  Romans  now  80 
Have  thews  and  limbs  like  to  their  ancestors; 
But,  woe  the  while !  our  fathers'  minds  are  dead, 
And  we  are  governed  with  our  mothers'  spirits ; 
Our  yoke  and  sufferance  show  us  womanish, 

Casca.    Indeed,  they  say  the  senators  to-morrow 
Mean  to  estabHsh  Caesar  as  a  king; 
And  he  shall  wear  his  crown  by  sea  and  land, 
In  every  place,  save  here  in  Italy. 

Cassius,    I  know  where  I  will  wear  this  dagger,  then ; 
Cassius  from  bondage  will  deliver  Cassius :  90 
Therein,  ye  gods,  you  make  the  weak  most  strong; 
Therein,  ye  gods,  you  tyrants  do  defeat : 
Nor  stony  tower,  nor  walls  of  beaten  brass. 
Nor  airless  dungeon,  nor  strong  links  of  iron, 
Can  be  retentive  to  the  strength  of  spirit; 
But  life,  being  weary  of  these  worldly  bars, 
Never  lacks  power  to  dismiss  itself. 
If  I  know  this,  know  all  the  world  besides, 
That  part  of  tyranny  that  I  do  bear 

I  can  shake  off  at  pleasure.  [^Thunder  still. 

Casca.  So  can  1 :  100 

So  every  bondman  in  his  own  hand  bears 
The  power  to  cancel  his  captivity. 

Cassius,    And  why  should  Caesar  be  a  tyrant,  then? 
Poor  man  !  I  know  he  would  not  be  a  wolf. 
But  that  he  sees  the  Romans  are  but  sheep: 
He  were  no  lion,  were  not  Romans  hinds. 
Those  that  with  haste  will  make  a  mighty  fire 
Begin  it  with  weak  straws :  what  trash  is  Rome, 

2 — 2 



[ACT  I. 

What  rubbish,  and  what  offal,  when  it  serves 

For  the  base  matter  to  ilkiminate  no 

So  vile  a  thing  as  Caesar!    But,  O  grief, 

Where  hast  thou  led  me?    I  perhaps  speak  this 

Before  a  willing  bondman :  then  I  know 

My  answer  must  be  made ;  but  I  am  arm'd, 

And  dangers  are  to  me  indifferent. 

Casca.    You  speak  to  Casca ;  and  to  such  a  man 
That  is  no  fleering  tell-tale.    Hold,  my  hand : 
Be  factious  for  redress  of  all  these  griefs ; 
And  I  will  set  this  foot  of  mine  as  far 
As  who  goes  farthest. 

Cassius.  There's  a  bargain  made.  120 

Now  know  you,  Casca,  I  have  mov'd  already 
Some  certain  of  the  noblest-minded  Romans 
To  undergo  with  me  an  enterprise 
Of  honourable-dangerous  consequence; 
And  I  do  know,  by  this,  they  stay  for  me 
In  Pompey's  porch :  for  now,  this  fearful  night, 
There  is  no  stir  or  walking  in  the  streets ; 
And  the  complexion  of  the  element 
In  favour's  like  the  work  we  have  in  hand, 
Most  bloody,  fiery,  and  most  terrible.  130 

Casca,    Stand  close  awhile,  for  here  comes  one  in  haste. 

Cassius.    'Tis  Cinna, — I  do  know  him  by  his  gait; 
He  is  a  friend. 

Enter  Cinna. 

Cinna,  where  haste  you  so? 
Cinna,    To  find  out  you.   Who's  that?  Metellus  Cimber? 
Cassius,    No,  it  is  Casca;  one  incorporate 
To  our  attempts.    Am  I  not  stay'd  for,  Cinna? 

Cinna,    I  am  glad  on't.    What  a  fearful  night  is  this ! 

sc.  ITT.] 



There's  two  or  three  of  us  have  seen  strange  sights. 

Cassius,    Am  I  not  stay'd  for?  tell  me. 

Cinna,  Yes,  you  are. — 

O  Cassius,  if  you  could  140 
But  win  the  noble  Brutus  to  our  party — 

Cassius.    Be  you  content :  good  Cinna,  take  this  paper, 
And  look  you  lay  it  in  the  praetor's  chair. 
Where  Brutus  may  but  find  it;  and  throw  this 
In  at  his  window;  set  this  up  with  wax 
Upon  old  Brutus'  statue :  all  this  done, 
Repair  to  Pompey's  porch,  where  you  shall  find  us. 
Is  Decius  Brutus  and  Trebonius  there? 

Cinna.    All  but  Metellus  Cimber;  and  he's  gone 
To  seek  you  at  your  house.    Well,  T  will  hie,  150 
And  so  bestow  these  papers  as  you  bade  me. 

Cassius.    That  done,  repair  to  Pompey's  theatre. 

\Exit  Cinna. 

Come,  Casca,  you  and  I  will  yet,  ere  day, 
See  Brutus  at  his  house :  three  parts  of  him 
Is  ours  already;  and  the  man  entire. 
Upon  the  next  encounter,  yields  him  ours. 

Casca.    O,  he  sits  high  in  all  the  people's  hearts : 
And  that  which  would  appear  offence  in  us, 
His  countenance,  like  richest  alchemy. 
Will  change  to  virtue  and  to  worthiness.  160 

Cass.    Him,  and  his  worth,  and  our  great  need  of  him, 
You  have  right  well  conceited.    Let  us  go, 
For  it  is  after  midnight,  and  ere  day 
We  will  awake  him  and  be  sure  of  him.  [Exeunt. 



[act  II 


Scene  I.    Rorne.    Brutus's  Orchard, 

Enter  Brutus. 

Brutus.    What,  Lucius,  ho  !— 
I  cannot,  by  the  progress  of  the  stars, 
Give  guess  how  near  to  day. — Lucius,  I  say!— 
I  would  it  were  my  fault  to  sleep  so  soundly. — 
When,  Lucius,  when  ?  awake,  I  say !  what,  Lucius ! 

Enter  Lucius. 

Lucius,    CalVd  you,  my  lord? 

Brutus.    Get  me  a  taper  in  my  study,  Lucius : 
V/hen  it  is  lighted,  come  and  call  me  here. 

Lucius.    I  will,  my  lord.  [Exit 

Brutus.    It  must  be  by  his  death  :  and,  for  my  part, 
I  know  no  personal  cause  to  spurn  at  him,  ii 
But  for  the  general.    He  would  be  crown'd : — • 
How  that  might  change  his  nature,  there's  the  question : 
It  is  the  bright  day  that  brings  forth  the  adder; 
And  that  craves  wary  walking.    Crown  him? — that; — 
And  then,  I  grant,  we  put  a  sting  in  him, 
That  at  his  will  he  may  do  danger  with. 
The  abuse  of  greatness  is,  when  it  disjoins 
Remorse  from  power:  and,  to  speak  truth  of  Caesar, 
I  have  not  known  when  his  affections  sway'd  20 
More  than  his  reason.    But  'tis  a  common  proof, 
That  lowliness  is  young  ambition's  ladder. 
Whereto  the  climber-upward  turns  his  face ; 
But  when  he  once  attains  the  upmost  round, 
He  then  unto  the  ladder  turns  his  back, 



Looks  in  the  clouds,  scorning  the  base  degrees 

By  which  he  did  ascend.    So  Caesar  may; 

Then,  lest  he  may,  prevent.    And,  since  the  quarrel 

Will  bear  no  colour  for  the  thing  he  is, 

Fashion  it  thus;  that  what  he  is,  augmented,  30 

Would  run  to  these  and  these  extremities  : 

And  therefore  think  him  as  a  serpent^s  egg, 

Which,  hatch'd,  would,  as  his  kind,  grow  mischievous. 

And  kill  him  in  the  shell. 

Re-enter  Lucius. 

Lucius.    The  taper  burneth  in  your  closet,  sir. 
Searching  the  window  for  a  flint,  I  found 
This  paper,  thus  seaFd  up ;  and,  I  am  sure, 
It  did  not  lie  there  when  I  went  to  bed. 

\jGives  him  the  letter. 

Brutus.    Get  you  to  bed  again;  it  is  not  day. 
Is  not  to-morrow,  boy,  the  ides  of  March?  40 

Lucius.    I  know  not,  sir. 

Brutus.    Look  in  the  calendar,  and  bring  me  word. 

Lucius.    I  will,  sir.  \Exit. 

Brutus.    The  exhalations  whizzing  in  the  air 
Give  so  much  light  that  I  may  read  by  them. 

\Opens  the  letter  and  reads. 
Brutus,  thou  sleep'st :  awake,  and  see  thyself. 
Shall  Rome,  &c.    Speak,  strike,  redress  ! " — 
"  Brutus,  thou  sleep'st :  awake  ! 
Such  instigations  have  been  often  dropp'd 
Where  I  have  took  them  up.  50 
"Shall  Rome,  &c."    Thus  must  I  piece  it  out; 
Shall  Rome  stand  under  one  man's  awe?    What,  Rome? 
My  ancestors  did  from  the  streets  of  Rome 
The  Tarquin  drive,  when  he  was  call'd  a  king. 



[ACT  II. 

"  Speak,  strike,  redress  ! "    Am  I  entreated 

To  speak  and  strike?    O  Rome,  I  make  thee  promise, 

If  the  redress  will  follow,  thou  receivest 

Thy  full  petition  at  the  hand  of  Brutus  I 

Re-enter  Lucius. 
Lucius.    Sir,  March  is  wasted  fifteen  days. 

[Knocking  7mthin, 

Brutus.   'Tis  good.   Go  to  the  gate ;  somebody  knocks. 

\Exit  Lucius.  60 
Since  Cassius  first  did  whet  me  against  Coesar, 
I  have  not  slept. 

Between  the  acting  of  a  dreadful  thing 
And  the  first  motion,  all  the  interim  is 
Like  a  phantasma  or  a  hideous  dream : 
The  Genius  and  the  mortal  instruments 
Are  then  in  council;  and  the  state  of  man, 
Like  to  a  little  kingdom,  suffers  then 
The  nature  of  an  insurrection. 

Re-enter  Lucius. 

Lucius.  Sir,  'tis  your  brother  Cassius  at  the  door,  70 
Who  doth  desire  to  see  you. 

Brutus.  Is  he  alone? 

Lucius.   No,  sir,  there  are  moe  with  him. 

Brutus.  Do  you  know  them? 

Lucius.    No,  sir;  their  hats  are  plucked  about  their  ears, 
And  half  their  faces  buried  in  their  cloaks, 
That  by  no  means  I  may  discover  them 
By  any  mark  of  favour. 

Brutus.  Let  'em  enter.  [Exit  Lucius. 

They  are  the  faction.    O  conspiracy, 
Sham'st  thou  to  show  thy  dangerous  brow  by  night, 
When  evils  are  most  free?    O,  then,  by  day 



Where  wilt  thou  find  a  cavern  dark  enough  80 

To  mask  thy  monstrous  visage?    Seek  none,  conspiracy; 

Hide  it  in  smiles  and  affability : 

For  if  thou  path,  thy  native  semblance  on, 

Not  Erebus  itself  were  dim  enough 

To  hide  thee  from  prevention. 

J^nfer  Cassius,  Casca,  Decius,  Cinna,  Metellus  Cimber, 
and  Trebonius. 

Cassius,    I  think  we  are  too  bold  upon  your  rest: 
Good  morrow,  Brutus;  do  we  trouble  you? 

Bnitus.    I  have  been  up  this  hour,  awake  all  night. 
Know  I  these  men  that  come  along  with  you? 

Cassius.   Yes,  every  man  of  them ;  and  no  man  here  90 
But  honours  you;  and  every  one  doth  wish 
You  had  but  that  opinion  of  yourself 
Which  every  noble  Roman  bears  of  you. 
This  is  Trebonius. 

Brutus,  He  is  welcome  hither. 

Cassius,    This,  Decius  Brutus. 

Brutus,  He  is  welcome  too. 

Cassius,    This,  Casca;  this,  Cinna;  and  this,  Metellus 

Brutus.    They  are  all  welcome. — 
What  watchful  cares  do  interpose  themselves 
Betwixt  your  eyes  and  night? 

Cassius,    Shall  I  entreat  a  word?  100 

\Brutus  and  Cassius  whisper, 

Decius.    Here  lies  the  east:  doth  not  the  day  break  here? 

Casca.  No. 

Cinna,    O,  pardon,  sir,  it  doth;  and  yon  gray  lines 
That  fret  the  clouds  are  messengers  of  day. 

Casca.    You  shall  confess  that  you  are  both  deceived. 



[act  II. 

Here,  as  I  point  my  sword,  the  sun  arises; 

Which  is  a  great  way  growing  on  the  south, 

Weighing  the  youthful  season  of  the  year. 

Some  two  months  hence,  up  higher  toward  the  north 

He  first  presents  his  fire;  and  the  high  east  no 

Stands,  as  the  Capitol,  directly  here. 

Brutus,    Give  me  your  hands  all  over,  one  by  one. 

Cassius.    And  let  us  swear  our  resolution. 

Brutus,    No,  not  an  oath :  if  not  the  face  of  men, 
The  sufferance  of  our  souls,  the  time's  abuse, — 
If  these  be  motives  weak,  break  off  betimes, 
And  every  man  hence  to  his  idle  bed; 
So  let  high-sighted  tyranny  range  on. 
Till  each  man  drop  by  lottery.    But  if  these. 
As  I  am  sure  they  do,  bear  fire  enough  120 
To  kindle  cowards,  and  to  steel  with  valour 
The  melting  spirits  of  women ;  then,  countrymen, 
What  need  we  any  spur  but  our  own  cause, 
To  prick  us  to  redress?  what  other  bond 
Than  secret  Romans,  that  have  spoke  the  word. 
And  will  not  palter?  and  what  other  oath 
Than  honesty  to  honesty  engag'd. 
That  this  shall  be,  or  we  will  fall  for  it? 
Swear  priests,  and  cowards,  and  men  cautelous, 
Old  feeble  carrions,  and  such  suffering  souls  130 
That  welcome  wrongs;  unto  bad  causes  swear 
Such  creatures  as  men  doubt :  but  do  not  stain 
The  even  virtue  of  our  enterprise, 
Nor  the  insuppressive  mettle  of  our  spirits. 
To  think  that  or  our  cause  or  our  performance 
Did  need  an  oath;  when  every  drop  of  blood 
That  every  Roman  bears,  and  nobly  bears. 
Is  guilty  of  a  several  bastardy, 

sc.  l] 



If  he  do  break  the  smallest  particle 

Of  any  promise  that  hath  passed  from  him.  140 

Cassius.    But  what  of  Cicero?  shall  we  sound  him? 
I  think  he  will  stand  very  strong  with  us. 

Casca,    Let  us  not  leave  him  out. 

Cinna.  No,  by  no  means. 

Metellus,    O,  let  us  have  him  ;  for  his  silver  hairs 
Will  purchase  us  a  good  opinion, 
And  buy  men's  voices  to  commend  our  deeds : 
It  shall  be  said,  his  judgment  ruFd  our  hands; 
Our  youths  and  wildness  shall  no  whit  appear, 
But  all  be  buried  in  his  gravity. 

Brutus,  O,  name  him  not:  let  us  not  break  with  him; 
For  he  will  never  follow  any  thing  151 
That  other  men  begin. 

Cassius.  Then  leave  him  out. 

Casca,    Indeed  he  is  not  fit. 

Decius,    Shall  no  man  else  be  touched  but  only  C^sar? 

Cassius,    Decius,  well  urg'd : — I  think  it  is  not  meet, 
Mark  Antony,  so  well  beloved  of  Csesar, 
Should  outlive  Caesar :  we  shall  find  of  him 
A  shrewd  contriver;  and,  you  know,  his  means, 
If  he  improve  them,  may  well  stretch  so  far 
As  to  annoy  us  all :  which  to  prevent,  160 
Let  Antony  and  Caesar  fall  together. 

Brutus,    Our  course  will  seem  too  bloody,  Caius  Cassius, 
To  cut  the  head  off  and  then  hack  the  limbs, — 
Like  wrath  in  death  and  envy  afterwards; 
For  Antony  is  but  a  limb  of  Cassar : 
Let  us  be  sacrificers,  but  not  butchers,  Caius. 
We  all  stand  up  against  the  spirit  of  Caesar; 
And  in  the  spirit  of  men  there  is  no  blood : 
O  that  we,  then,  could  come  by  Caesar's  spirit. 



[act  it. 

And  not  dismember  Csesar !    But,  alas,  170 

Ccesar  must  bleed  for  it !    And,  gentle  friends, 

Let's  kill  him  boldly,  but  not  wrathfully; 

Let's  carve  him  as  a  dish  fit  for  the  gods, 

Not  hew  him  as  a  carcase  fit  for  hounds : 

And  let  our  hearts,  as  subtle  masters  do, 

Stir  up  their  servants  to  an  act  of  rage, 

And  after  seem  to  chide  'em.    This  shall  make 

Our  purpose  necessary  and  not  envious : 

Which  so  appearing  to  the  common  eyes, 

We  shall  be  call'd  purgers,  not  murderers.  180 

And  for  Mark  Antony,  think  not  of  him; 

For  he  can  do  no  more  than  Csesar's  arm 

When  Caesar's  head  is  off. 

Cassius.  Yet  I  fear  him; 

For  in  the  ingrafted  love  he  bears  to  C^sar — 

Brutus.    Alas,  good  Cassius,  do  not  think  of  him : 
If  he  love  Caesar,  all  that  he  can  do 
Is  to  himself, — take  thought  and  die  for  Caesar : 
And  that  were  much  he  should;  for  he  is  given 
To  sports,  to  wildness,  and  much  company. 

Trebonms,  There  is  no  fear  in  him;  let  him  not  die; 
For  he  will  live,  and  laugh  at  this  hereafter.  191 

\_Clock  strikes. 

Brutus.    Peace  !  count  the  clock. 

Cassius.  The  clock  hath  stricken  three. 

Trehonius.    'Tis  time  to  part. 

Cassius.  But  it  is  doubtful  yet, 

Whether  Caesar  will  come  forth  to-day  or  no; 
For  he  is  superstitious  grown  of  late ; 
Quite  from  the  main  opinion  he  held  once 
Of  fantasy,  of  dreams  and  ceremonies : 
It  may  be,  these  apparent  prodigies, 

sc.  I.]  JULIUS  CiESAR.  29 

The  unaccustom'd  terror  of  this  night, 

And  the  persuasion  of  his  augurers,  200 

May  hold  him  from  the  Capitol  to-day. 

Decius.    Never  fear  that :  if  he  be  so  resolv'd, 
I  can  o'ersway  him;  for  he  loves  to  hear 
That  unicorns  may  be  betray'd  with  trees, 
And  bears  with  glasses,  elephants  with  holes, 
Lions  with  toils,  and  men  with  flatterers : 
But  when  I  tell  him  he  hates  flatterers. 
He  says  he  does, — being  then  most  flattered. 
Let  me  work ; 

For  I  can  give  his  humour  the  true  bent,  210 
And  I  will  bring  him  to  the  Capitol. 

Cassius,    Nay,  we  will  all  of  us  be  there  to  fetch  him. 

Brutus.    By  the  eighth  hour :  is  that  the  uttermost  ? 

Cinna,    Be  that  the  uttermost,  and  fail  not  then. 

Metellus.    Caius  Ligarius  doth  bear  Caesar  hard, 
Who  rated  him  for  speaking  well  of  Pompey : 
I  wonder  none  of  you  have  thought  of  him. 

Brutus.  Now,  good  Metellus,  go  along  by  him : 
He  loves  me  well,  and  I  have  given  him  reasons; 
Send  him  but  hither,  and  111  fashion  him.  220 

Cassius,    The  morning  comes  upon's :  we'll  leave  you, 
Brutus ; — 

And,  friends,  disperse  yourselves;  but  all  remember 
What  you  have  said,  and  show  yourselves  true  Romans. 

Brutus.    Good  gentlemen,  look  fresh  and  merrily; 
Let  not  our  looks  put  on  our  purposes; 
But  bear  it  as  our  Roman  actors  do. 
With  untir'd  spirits  and  formal  constancy; 
And  so,  good  morrow  to  you  every  one. 

[Exeunt  all  except  Brutus, 
Boy  !  Lucius  ! — Fast  asleep  ?    It  is  no  matter ; 



[act  11. 

Enjoy  the  honey-heavy  dew  of  slumber :  230 
Thou  hast  no  figures  nor  no  fantasies, 
Which  busy  care  draws  in  the  brains  of  men; 
Therefore  thou  sleep'st  so  sound. 

E7iter  Portia. 

Portia.  Brutus,  my  lord  ! 

Brutus.  Portia,  what  mean  you?  wherefore  rise  you  now? 
It  is  not  for  your  health  thus  to  commit 
Your  weak  condition  to  the  raw  cold  morning. 

For.    Nor  for  yours  neither.    You've  ungently,  Brutus, 
Stole  from  my  bed  :  and  yesternight,  at  supper, 
You  suddenly  arose,  and  walk'd  about. 
Musing  and  sighing,  with  your  arms  across ;  240 
And  when  I  ask'd  you  what  the  matter  was. 
You  star'd  upon  me  with  ungentle  looks  : 
I  urg'd  you  further;  then  you  scratch'd  your  head, 
And  too  impatiently  stamp'd  with  your  foot: 
Yet  I  insisted,  yet  you  answer'd  not ; 
But,  with  an  angry  wafture  of  your  hand. 
Gave  sign  for  me  to  leave  you :  so  I  did ; 
Fearing  to  strengthen  that  impatience 
Which  seem'd  too  much  enkindled ;  and  withal 
Hoping  it  was  but  an  effect  of  humour,  250 
Which  sometime  hath  his  hour  with  every  man. 
It  will  not  let  you  eat,  nor  talk,  nor  sleep ; 
And,  could  it  work  so  much  upon  your  shape 
As  it  hath  much  prevail'd  on  your  condition, 
I  should  not  know  you,  Brutus.    Dear  my  lord, 
Make  me  acquainted  with  your  cause  of  grief. 

Brutus.    I  am  not  well  in  health,  and  that  is  all. 

Portia.    Brutus  is  wise,  and,  were  he  not  in  health. 
He  would  embrace  the  means  to  come  by  it. 

sc.  I.] 



Brutus,    Why,  so  I  do. — Good  Portia,  go  to  bed.  260 

Portia,    Is  Brutus  sick?  and  is  it  physical 
To  walk  unbraced,  and  suck  up  the  humours 
Of  the  dank  morning?    What,  is  Brutus  sick, 
And  will  he  steal  out  of  his  wholesome  bed, 
To  dare  the  vile  contagion  of  the  night, 
And  tempt  the  rheumy  and  unpurged  air 
To  add  unto  his  sickness  ?    No,  my  Brutus ; 
You  have  some  sick  offence  within  your  mind, 
Which  by  the  right  and  virtue  of  my  place 
I  ought  to  know  of :  and,  upon  my  knees,  270 
I  charm  you,  by  my  once-commended  beauty, 
By  all  your  vows  of  love,  and  that  great  vow 
Which  did  incorporate  and  make  us  one. 
That  you  unfold  to  me,  yourself,  your  half. 
Why  you  are  heavy;  and  what  men  to-night 
Have  had  resort  to  you, — for  here  have  been 
Some  six  or  seven,  who  did  hide  their  faces 
Even  from  darkness. 

Brutus.  Kneel  not,  gentle  Portia. 

Portia,    I  should  not  need,  if  you  were  gentle  Brutus. 
Within  the  bond  of  marriage,  tell  me,  Brutus,  280 
Is  it  excepted  I  should  know  no  secrets 
That  appertain  to  you?    Am  I  yourself 
But,  as  it  were,  in  sort  or  limitation, — 
To  keep  with  you  at  meals,  comfort  your  bed, 
And  talk  to  you  sometimes?   Dwell  I  but  in  the  suburbs 
Of  your  good  pleasure?    If  it  be  no  more, 
Portia  is  Brutus'  mistress,  not  his  wife. 

Brutus,    You  are  my  true  and  honourable  wife; 
As  dear  to  me  as  are  the  ruddy  drops 
That  visit  my  sad  heart.  290 

Portia.    If  this  were  true,  then  should  I  know  this  secret. 



[ACT  II. 

I  grant  I  am  a  woman;  but  withal 

A  woman  that  Lord  Brutus  took  to  wife : 

I  grant  I  am  a  woman;  but  withal 

A  woman  well-reputed, — Cato's  daughter. 

Think  you  I  am  no  stronger  than  my  sex, 

Being  so  father'd  and  so  husbanded? 

Tell  me  your  counsels;  I  will  not  disclose  'em: 

I  have  made  strong  proof  of  my  constancy, 

Giving  myself  a  voluntary  wound  300 

Here,  in  the  thigh :  can  I  bear  that  with  patience, 

And  not  my  husband's  secrets  ? 

Brutus,  O  ye  gods, 

Render  me  worthy  of  this  noble  wife !    \Knocking  within. 
Hark,  hark !  one  knocks :  Portia,  go  in  awhile ; 
And  by  and  by  thy  bosom  shall  partake 
The  secrets  of  my  heart : 

All  my  engagements  I  will  construe  to  thee,  ^ 
All  the  charactery  of  my  sad  brows  :  — 
Leave  me  with  haste.    \Exit  Portia?^ — Lucius,  who's  that 
knocks  ? 

Re-e7iter  Lucius  with  Ligarius. 

Lucius.    Here  is  a  sick  man  that  would  speak  with  you. 

Brutus.  Caius  Ligarius,  that  Metellus  spake  of,—  311 
Boy,  stand  aside. — Caius  Ligarius  !  how  ? 

Ligarius,   Vouchsafe  good-morrow  from  a  feeble  tongue. 

Brutus,  O  what  a  time  have  you  chose  out,  brave  Caius, 
To  wear  a  kerchief !   Would  you  were  not  sick ! 

Ligarius.    I  am  not  sick,  if  Brutus  have  in  hand 
Any  exploit  worthy  the  name  of  honour. 

Brutus.    Such  an  exploit  have  I  in  hand,  Ligarius, 
Had  you  a  healthful  ear  to  hear  of  it. 

Ligarius.  By  all  the  gods  that  Romans  bow  before,  320 



I  here  discard  my  sickness !    Soul  of  Rome  1 
Brave  son,  deriv'd  from  honourable  loins ! 
Thou,  like  an  exorcist,  hast  conjur'd  up 
My  mortified  spirit.    Now  bid  me  run, 
And  I  will  strive  with  things  impossible; 
Yea,  get  the  better  of  them.    What's  to  do? 

Brutus.    A  piece  of  work  that  will  make  sick  men  whole. 

Lig.    But  are  not  some  whole  that  we  must  make  sick  ? 

Brutus,    That  must  we  also.    What  it  is,  my  Caius, 
I  shall  unfold  to  thee,  as  we  are  going  330 
To  whom  it  must  be  done. 

Ltgarius,  Set  on  your  foot, 

And  with  a  heart  new-fir'd  I  follow  you, 
To  do  I  know  not  what :  but  it  sufficeth 
That  Brutus  leads  me  on. 

Brutus,  Follow  me,  then.  \_Exeunt, 

Scene  II.    A  room  in  Cesar's  house. 
Thunder  and  lightning.    Enter  Ci*:sAR,  in  his  nightgoivn. 

Cces.    Nor  heaven  nor  earth  have  been  at  peace  to-night: 
Thrice  hath  Calpurnia  in  her  sleep  cried  out, 
"Help,  ho!  they  murder  Csesar!" — Who's  within? 

Enter  a  Servant. 
Servant.    My  lord? 

Ccesar.    Go  bid  the  priests  do  present  sacrifice. 
And  bring  me  their  opinions  of  success. 

Servant,    I  will,  my  lord.  \Exit. 

Enter  Calpurnia. 

Cal.    What  mean  you,  Caesar?  think  you  to  walk  forth? 
J.  c.  3 



[ACT  II. 

You  shall  not  stir  out  of  your  house  to-day. 

Ccesar.  Csesar  shall  forth:  the  things  that  threaten 'd  me 
Ne'er  look'd  but  on  my  back;  when  they  shall  see  ii 
The  face  of  Caesar,  they  are  vanished. 

Calpuriiia.    Caesar,  I  never  stood  on  ceremonies, 
Yet  now  they  fright  me.    There  is  one  within, 
Besides  the  things  that  we  have  heard  and  seen, 
Recounts  most  horrid  sights  seen  by  the  watch. 
A  lioness  hath  whelped  in  the  streets ; 
And  graves  have  yawn'd,  and  yielded  up  their  dead; 
Fierce  fiery  warriors  fought  upon  the  clouds, 
In  ranks  and  squadrons  and  right  form  of  war,  20 
Which  drizzled  blood  upon  the  Capitol ; 
The  noise  of  battle  hurtled  in  the  air. 
Horses  did  neigh,  and  dying  men  did  groan; 
And  ghosts  did  shriek  and  squeal  about  the  streets. 
O  Caesar,  these  things  are  beyond  all  use. 
And  I  do  fear  them  ! 

Ccesar,  What  can  be  avoided 

Whose  end  is  purpos'd  by  the  mighty  gods? 
Yet  Caesar  shall  go  forth;  for  these  predictions 
Are  to  the  world  in  general  as  to  Caesar. 

Cal.  When  beggars  die,  there  are  no  comets  seen ;  30 
The  heavens  themselves  blaze  forth  the  death  of  princes. 

Ccesar.    Cowards  die  many  times  before  their  deaths ; 
The  valiant  never  taste  of  death  but  once. 
Of  all  the  wonders  that  I  yet  have  heard, 
It  seems  to  me  most  strange  that  men  should  fear; 
Seeing  that  death,  a  necessary  end, 
Will  come  when  it  will  come. 

Re-oiter  Servant. 

What  say  the  augurers? 

sc.  II.] 



Servant,   They  would  not  have  you  to  stir  forth  to-day. 
Plucking  the  entrails  of  an  offering  forth, 
They  could  not  find  a  heart  within  the  beast.  40 

Ccesar,    The  gods  do  this  in  shame  of  cowardice : 
Caesar  should  be  a  beast  without  a  heart, 
If  he  should  stay  at  home  to-day  for  fear. 
No,  Csesar  shall  not.    Danger  knows  full  well 
That  Caesar  is  more  dangerous  than  he: 
We  are  two  lions  litter'd  in  one  day, 
And  I  the  elder  and  more  terrible : 
And  Caesar  shall  go  forth. 

Calpurnia.  Alas,  my  lord, 

Your  wisdom  is  consum'd  in  confidence. 
Do  not  go  forth  to-day  :  call  it  my  fear  50 
That  keeps  you  in  the  house,  and  not  your  own. 
We'll  send  Mark  Antony  to  the  senate-house ; 
And  he  shall  say  you  are  not  well  to-day : 
Let  me,  upon  my  knee,  prevail  in  this. 

Ccssar,    Mark  Antony  shall  say  I  am  not  well; 
And,  for  thy  humour,  I  will  stay  at  home. 

Enter  Decius. 

Here's  Decius  Brutus,  he  shall  tell  them  so. 

Decius,  Caesar,  all  hail!  good  morrow,  worthy  Caesar: 
I  come  to  fetch  you  to  the  senate-house. 

Ccesar,    And  you  are  come  in  very  happy  time,  60 
To  bear  my  greeting  to  the  senators, 
And  tell  them  that  I  will  not  come  to-day : 
Cannot,  is  false ;  and  that  I  dare  not,  falser : 
I  will  not  come  to-day, — tell  them  so,  Decius. 

Calpurnia,    Say  he  is  sick. 

Ccesar,  Shall  Ccesar  send  a  lie? 

Have  I  in  conquest  stretch'd  mine  arm  so  far. 




[act  II. 

To  be  afeard  to  tell  graybeards  the  truth? 
Decius,  go  tell  them  Caesar  will  not  come. 

Decius.  Most  mighty  Caesar,  let  me  know  some  cause, 
Lest  I  be  laugh'd  at  when  I  tell  them  so.  70 

CcRsar,    The  cause  is  in  my  will, — I  will  not  come ; 
That  is  enough  to  satisfy  the  senate. 
But,  for  your  private  satisfaction, 
Because  I  love  you,  I  will  let  you  know: 
Calpurnia  here,  my  wife,  stays  me  at  home : 
She  dreamt  to-night  she  saw  my  statue, 
Which,  like  a  fountain  wdth  an  hundred  spouts, 
Did  run  pure  blood;  and  many  lusty  Romans 
Came  smihng,  and  did  bathe  their  hands  in  it : 
And  these  does  she  apply  for  warnings,  and  portents,  80 
And  evils  imminent;  and  on  her  knee 
Hath  begged  that  I  will  stay  at  home  to-day. 

Decius.    This  dream  is  all  amiss  interpreted; 
It  was  a  vision  fair  and  fortunate : 
Your  statue  spouting  blood  in  many  pipes. 
In  w^hich  so  many  smiling  Romans  bath'd. 
Signifies  that  from  you  great  Rome  shall  suck 
Reviving  blood;  and  that  great  men  shall  press 
For  tinctures,  stains,  relics,  and  cognizance. 
This  by  Calpurnia's  dream  is  signified.  90 

Ccesar.    And  this  way  have  you  well  expounded  it. 

Decius.    I  have,  when  you  have  heard  what  I  can  say: 
And  know  it  now, — the  senate  have  concluded 
To  give,  this  day,  a  crown  to  mighty  Caesar. 
If  you  shall  send  them  word  you  will  not  come. 
Their  minds  may  change.    Besides,  it  were  a  mock 
Apt  to  be  render'd,  for  some  one  to  say, 
"Break  up  the  senate  till  another  time. 
When  Caesar's  wife  shall  meet  with  better  dreams." 

sc.  IL] 



If  Caesar  hide  himself,  shall  they  not  whisper,  loo 

"Lo,  Caesar  is  afraid"? 

Pardon  me,  Caesar;  for  my  dear  dear  love 

To  your  proceeding  bids  me  tell  you  this; 

And  reason  to  my  love  is  liable. 

Ccesar,    How  foolish  do  your  fears  seem  now,  Calpurnia! 
I  am  ashamed  I  did  yield  to  them. 
Give  me  my  robe,  for  I  will  go : — 

Enter  Publius,  Brutus,  Ligarius,  Metellus,  Casca, 
Trebonius,  and  Cinna. 

And  look  where  Publius  is  come  to  fetch  me. 

Publius.    Good  morrow,  Caesar. 

Ccesar,  Welcome,  Publius. — 

What,  Brutus,  are  you  stirr'd  so  early  too? —  no 
Good  morrow,  Casca. — Caius  Ligarius, 
Caesar  was  ne'er  so  much  your  enemy 
As  that  same  ague  which  hath  made  you  lean. 
What  is't  o'clock? 

Brutus.  Caesar,  'tis  strucken  eight. 

Ccesar.    I  thank  you  for  your  pains  and  courtesy. 

Enter  Antony. 

See !  Antony,  that  revels  long  o'  nights, 
Is  notwithstanding  up.    Good  morrow,  Antony. 
Antony.    So  to  most  noble  Caesar. 

Ccesar.  Bid  them  prepare  wdthin; 

I  am  to  blame  to  be  thus  waited  for. 
Now,  Cinna: — now,  Metellus: — what,  Trebonius!  120 
I  have  an  hour's  talk  in  store  for  you; 
Remember  that  you  call  on  me  to-day : 
Be  near  me  that  I  may  remember  you. 



[ACT  II. 

TrehelUus.  Caesar,  I  will : — [Aside]  and  so  near  will  I  be, 
That  your  best  friends  shall  wish  I  had  been  further. 

Cces.  Good  friends,  go  in,  and  taste  some  wine  with  me; 
And  we,  like  friends,  will  straightway  go  together. 

Bmtus.  [Aside]  That  every  like  is  not  the  same,  O  C^sar, 
The  heart  of  Brutus  yearns  to  think  upon  !  [Exeunt. 

Scene  III.    A  street  nem'  the  Capitol. 
E?iter  Artemidorus,  reading  a  paper. 

Artemidorus,    "  Caesar,  beware  of  Brutus ;  take  heed  of 
Cassius  j  come  not  near  Casca ;  have  an  eye  to  Cinna ; 
trust  not  Trebonius ;  mark  well  Metellus  Cimber :  Decius 
Brutus  loves  thee  not :  thou  hast  wronged  Caius  Ligarius. 
There  is  but  one  mind  in  all  these  men,  and  it  is  bent 
against  Caesar.    If  thou  beest  not  immortal,  look  about  you: 
security  gives  way  to  conspiracy.    The  mighty  gods  defend 
thee  !    Thy  lover,  Artemidorus.'' 
Here  will  I  stand  till  Caesar  pass  along,  ii 
And  as  a  suitor  will  I  give  him  this. 
My  heart  laments  that  virtue  cannot  live 
Out  of  the  teeth  of  emulation. 
If  thou  read  this,  O  Caesar,  thou  mayst  live; 
If  not,  the  Fates  with  traitors  do  contrive.  [Exit. 

Scene  IV.    Another  part  of  the  same  street,  before 
the  house  of  BRUTUS. 

Enter  Portia  and  Lucius. 

Portia.    I  prithee,  boy,  run  to  the  senate-house; 
Stay  not  to  answer  me,  but  get  thee  gone: 
AVhy  dost  thou  stay? 

sc.  IV.] 



Lucius,  To  know  my  errand,  madam. 

Portia,    I  would  have  had  thee  there,  and  here  again, 
Ere  I  can  tell  thee  what  thou  shouldst  do  there. — 
[Aside]  O  constancy,  be  strong  upon  my  side, 
Set  a  huge  mountain  'tween  my  heart  and  tongue  1 
I  have  a  man's  mind,  but  a  woman's  might. 
How  hard  it  is  for  women  to  keep  counsel ! — 
Art  thou  here  yet? 

Lucius,  Madam,  what  should  I  do?  lo 

Run  to  the  Capitol,  and  nothing  else? 
And  so  return  to  you,  and  nothing  else? 

Portia.    Yes,  bring  me  word,  boy,  if  thy  lord  look  well, 
For  he  went  sickly  forth :  and  take  good  note 
What  Caesar  doth,  what  suitors  press  to  him. 
Hark,  boy !  what  noise  is  that  ? 

Lucius,    I  hear  none,  madam. 

Portia.  Prithee,  listen  well : 

I  heard  a  bustling  rumour,  like  a  fray, 
And  the  wind  brings  it  from  the  Capitol. 

Lucius:  Sooth,  madam,  I  hear  nothing.  20 

Enter  Soothsayer. 

Portia,   Come  hither,  fellow:  which  way  hast  thou  been? 
Soothsayer,    At  mine  own  house,  good  lady. 
Portia,    What  is't  o'clock? 

Soothsayer,  About  the  ninth  hour,  lady. 

Portia,    Is  Caesar  yet  gone  to  the  Capitol? 

Soothsayer,  Madam,  not  yet:  I  go  to  take  my  stand, 
To  see  him  pass  on  to  the  Capitol. 

Portia,   Thou  hast  some  suit  to  Caesar,  hast  thou  not? 

Soothsayer,    That  I  have,  lady :  if  it  will  please  Caesar 
To  be  so  good  to  Caesar  as  to  hear  me, 
I  shall  beseech  him  to  befriend  himself.  30 



[act  III. 

For.  Why,  know'st  thou  any  harm's  intended  towards  him? 

Soothsayer.    None  that  I  know  will  be,  much  that  I 
fear  may  chance. 
Good  morrow  to  you. — Here  the  street  is  narrow: 
The  throng  that  follows  Caesar  at  the  heels, 
Of  senators,  of  praetors,  common  suitors, 
Will  crowd  a  feeble  man  almost  to  death : 
1^11  get  me  to  a  place  more  void,  and  there 
Speak  to  great  Caesar  as  he  comes  along.  \_Exit. 

Par.    I  must  go  in. — [Aside]  Ay  me,  how  weak  a  thing 
The  heart  of  woman  is  !    O  Brutus,  40 
The  heavens  speed  thee  in  thine  enterprise ! — 
Sure,  the  boy  heard  me, — Brutus  hath  a  suit 
That  Caesar  will  not  grant. — O,  I  grow  faint. — - 
Run,  Lucius,  and  commend  me  to  my  lord; 
Say  I  am  merry  :  come  to  me  again, 
And  bring  me  word  what  he  doth  say  to  thee. 

[jExeunt  severally, 


Scene  I.    Before  the  Capitol;  the  Senate 
sitti^ig  above. 

A  crowd  of  people  in  the  street  leading  to  the  Capitol;  among 
them  Artemidorus  and  the  Soothsayer.  Flourish, 
Enter  Caesar,  Brutus,  Cassius,  Casca,  Decius, 
Metellus,  Trebonius,  Cinna,  Antony,  Lepidus, 
PopiLius,  PuBLius,  and  others, 

Ccesar,  The  ides  of  March  are  come. 
Soothsayer,  Ay,  Caesar;  but  not  gone. 
Artemidorus,    Hail,  Caesar!  read  this  schedule. 



Decius.    Trebonius  doth  desire  you  to  o'er-read, 
At  your  best  leisure,  this  his  humble  suit. 

Art,    O  Caesar,  read  mine  first ;  for  mine's  a  suit 
That  touches  Caesar  nearer:  read  it,  great  Caesar. 

Ccesar,    What  touches  us  ourself  shall  be  last  serv'd. 

Artemidorus.    Delay  not,  Caesar;  read  it  instantly. 

Ccesar,    What,  is  the  fellow  mad? 

Publius,  Sirrah,  give  place.  10 

Cass.    What,  urge  you  your  petitions  in  the  street? 
Come  to  the  Capitol. 

CiESAR  goes  up  to  the  Senate-House^  the  rest  follozving. 

Popilius,    I  wish  your  enterprise  to-day  may  thrive. 

Cassius,    What  enterprise,  Popilius? 

Fopilius,  Fare  you  well. 

\Advances  to  Ccesar, 

Brutus,    What  said  Popilius  Lena? 

Cassius,  He  wished  to-day  our  enterprise  might  thrive. 
I  fear  our  purpose  is  discovered. 

Brutus,    Look,  how  he  makes  to  Caesar :  mark  him. 

Cassius,    Casca,  be  sudden,  for  we  fear  prevention. — 
Brutus,  what  shall  be  done?    If  this  be  known,  20 
Cassius  or  Caesar  never  shall  turn  back, 
For  I  will  slay  myself. 

Brutus,  Cassius,  be  constant: 

Popilius  Lena  speaks  not  of  our  purposes; 
For,  look,  he  smiles,  and  Caesar  doth  not  change. 

Cassius,    Trebonius  knows  his  time ;    for,  look  you, 

He  draws  Mark  Antony  out  of  the  way. 

[Exeunt  Antony  and  Trebonius 
Decius,    Where  is  Metellus  Cimber?    Let  him  go, 



And  presently  prefer  his  suit  to  Caesar. 

Brutus.    He  is  address'd :  press  near  and  second  him. 

Cinna.    Casca,  you  are  the  first  that  rears  your  hand.  30 

Ccesar.    Are  we  all  ready?    What  is  now  amiss 
That  Caesar  and  his  senate  must  redress? 

Met,    Most  high,  most  mighty,  and  most  puissant  Caesar, 
Metellus  Cimber  throws  before  thy  seat 
An  humble  heart, —  \_Kneeling. 

Ccesar.  I  must  prevent  thee,  Cimber. 

These  couchings  and  these  lowly  courtesies 
Might  fire  the  blood  of  ordinary  men, 
And  turn  pre-ordinance  and  first  decree 
Into  the  law  of  children.    Be  not  fond, 
To  think  that  Caesar  bears  such  rebel  blood  40 
That  will  be  thaw'd  from  the  true  quality 
With  that  which  melteth  fools ;  I  mean,  sweet  words, 
Low-crooked  court'sies  and  base  spaniel-fawning. 
Thy  brother  by  decree  is  banished : 
If  thou  dost  bend  and  pray  and  fawn  for  him, 
I  spurn  thee  like  a  cur  out  of  my  way. 
Know,  Caesar  doth  not  wrong,  nor  without  cause 
Will  he  be  satisfied. 

Met.    Is  there  no  voice  more  worthy  than  my  own, 
To  sound  more  sweetly  in  great  Caesar's  ear  50 
For  the  repealing  of  my  banished  brother? 

Brutus.    I  kiss  thy  hand  but  not  in  flattery,  C^sar ; 
Desiring  thee  that  Publius  Cimber  may 
Have  an  immediate  freedom  of  repeal. 

Ccesar.    What,  Brutus  ! 

Cassius.  Pardon,  Caesar ;  Caesar,  pardon  : 

As  low  as  to  thy  foot  doth  Cassius  fall, 
To  beg  enfranchisement  for  Publius  Cimber. 

Ccesar.    I  could  be  well  mov'd,  if  I  were  as  you; 



If  I  could  pray  to  move,  prayers  would  move  me : 

But  I  am  constant  as  the  northern  star,  60 

Of  whose  true-fix'd  and  resting  quality 

There  is  no  fellow  in  the  firmament. 

The  skies  are  painted  with  unnumber'd  sparks, 

They  are  all  fire,  and  every  one  doth  shine; 

But  there's  but  one  in  all  doth  hold  his  place : 

So  in  the  world, — 'tis  furnish'd  well  with  men, 

And  men  are  flesh  and  blood,  and  apprehensive ; 

Yet  in  the  number  I  do  know  but  one 

That  unassailable  holds  on  his  rank, 

Unshak'd  of  motion :  and  that  I  am  he,  70 
Let  me  a  little  show  it,  even  in  this, — 
That  I  was  constant  Cimber  should  be  banish'd, 
And  constant  do  remain  to  keep  him  so. 
Cinna,    O  Caesar, — 

Ccesar,  Hence  !  wilt  thou  lift  up  Olympus  ? 

JDecius.    Great  Caesar, — 

Ccesar.  Doth  not  Brutus  bootless  kneel? 

Casca,    Speak,  hands,  for  me ! 

[  Casca  stabs  Ccesar  in  the  neck.   He  is  then  stabbed 
by  several  other  Conspirators^   and  last  by 
Marcus  Brutus, 
CcBsar.    Et  tu^  Brute  I — Then  fall,  Caesar! 

\Dies,    The  Senators  and  People  retire  in  confusion, 
Cinna,    Liberty  !  Freedom  !  Tyranny  is  dead  ! — • 
Run  hence,  proclaim,  cry  it  about  the  streets. 

Cassius,  Some  to  the  common  pulpits,  and  cry  out,  80 
"  Liberty,  freedom,  and  enfranchisement ! " 

Brutus.    People,  and  senators,  be  not  affrighted; 
Fly  not ;  stand  still : — ambition's  debt  is  paid. 
Casca,    Go  to  the  pulpit,  Brutus. 
Decius,  And  Cassius  too. 



[act  III. 

Brutus.    Whereas  Publius? 

Ci7ina.    Here,  quite  confounded  with  this  mutiny. 

Metelliis,  Stand  fast  together,  lest  some  friend  of  Caesar's 
Should  chance — 

Brutus.    Talk  not  of  standing. — Publius,  good  cheer ; 
There  is  no  harm  intended  to  your  person,  90 
Nor  to  no  Roman  else :  so  tell  them,  Pubhus. 

Cassius.  And  leave  us,  Pubhus  j  lest  that  the  people. 
Rushing  on  us,  should  do  your  age  some  mischief 

Brutus.    Do  so : — and  let  no  man  abide  this  deed, 
But  we  the  doers. 

Re-enter  Trebonius. 
Cassius.    Where's  Antony? 

Trebonius.  Fled  to  his  house  amaz'd  : 

Men,  wives,  and  children  stare,  cry  out,  and  run 
As  it  were  doomsday. 

Brutus.  Fates,  we  will  know  your  pleasures  : 

That  we  shall  die,  we  know ;  'tis  but  the  time. 
And  drawing  days  out,  that  men  stand  upon.  100 

Cassius.    Why,  he  that  cuts  oif  twenty  years  of  life 
Cuts  off  so  many  years  of  fearing  death. 

Brutus.    Grant  that,  and  then  is  death  a  benefit : 
So  are  we  Caesar's  friends,  that  have  abridg'd 
His  time  of  fearing  death. — Stoop,  Romans,  stoop, 
And  let  us  bathe  our  hands  in  Caesar's  blood 
Up  to  the  elbows,  and  besmear  our  swords  : 
Then  walk  we  forth,  even  to  the  market-place, 
And,  waving  our  red  weapons  o'er  our  heads, 
Let's  all  cry,  "Peace,  freedom,  and  liberty!"  no 

Cassius.    Stoop,  then,  and  wash. — How  many  ages  hence 
Shall  this  our  lofty  scene  be  acted  over 
In  states  unborn  and  accents  yet  unknown ! 



Brutus,    How  many  times  shall  Caesar  bleed  in  sport, 
That  now  on  Pompey's  basis  Hes  along 
No  worthier  than  the  dust ! 

Cassius.  So  oft  as  that  shall  be, 

So  often  shall  the  knot  of  us  be  call'd 
The  men  that  gave  their  country  Hberty. 

Decius,    What,  shall  we  forth? 

Cassius,  Ay,  every  man  away  : 

Brutus  shall  lead;  and  we  will  grace  his  heels  120 
With  the  most  boldest  and  best  hearts  of  Rome. 

Brutus,    Soft !  who  comes  here  ? 

Enter  a  Servant. 

A  friend  of  Antony's. 

Servant,    Thus,  Brutus,  did  my  master  bid  me  kneel; 
Thus  did  Mark  Antony  bid  me  fall  down ; 
And,  being  prostrate,  thus  he  bade  me  say 
Brutus  is  noble,  wise,  valiant,  and  honest; 
Csesar  was  mighty,  bold,  royal,  and  loving : 
Say  I  love  Brutus,  and  I  honour  him; 
Say  I  fear'd  Caesar,  honour'd  him,  and  lov'd  him. 
If  Brutus  wall  vouchsafe  that  Antony  130 
May  safely  come  to  him,  and  be  resolv'd 
How  Csesar  has  deserved  to  lie  in  death, 
Mark  Antony  shall  not  love  Caesar  dead 
So  well  as  Brutus  living;  but  will  follow 
The  fortunes  and  affairs  of  noble  Brutus 
Thorough  the  hazards  of  this  untrod  state 
With  all  true  faith.    So  says  my  master  Antony. 

Brutus,    Thy  master  is  a  wise  and  valiant  Roman ; 
I  never  thought  him  worse. 

Tell  him,  so  please  him  come  unto  this  place,  140 
He  shall  be  satisfied;  and,  by  my  honour, 


Depart  untouched. 

Servant.  Til  fetch  him  presently.  {Exit, 

Brutus,    I  know  that  we  shall  have  him  well  to  friend. 

Cassius,    I  wish  we  may :  but  yet  have  I  a  mind 
That  fears  him  much;  and  my  misgiving  still 
Falls  shrewdly  to  the  purpose. 

Brutus,   But  here  comes  Antony. 

Re-enter  Antony. 

Welcome,  Mark  Antony. 

Antony,    O  mighty  Cassar !  dost  thou  lie  so  low  ? 
Are  all  thy  conquests,  glories,  triumphs,  spoils. 
Shrunk  to  this  little  measure?    Fare  thee  well. —  150 
I  know  not,  gentlemen,  what  you  intend, 
Who  else  must  be  let  blood,  who  else  is  rank : 
If  I  myself,  there  is  no  hour  so  fit 
As  Caesar's  death's  hour ;  nor  no  instrument 
Of  half  that  worth  as  those  your  swords,  made  rich 
With  the  most  noble  blood  of  all  this  world. 
I  do  beseech  ye,  if  you  bear  me  hard, 
Now,  whilst  your  purpled  hands  do  reek  and  smoke, 
Fulfil  your  pleasure.    Live  a  thousand  years, 
I  shall  not  find  myself  so  apt  to  die :  160 
No  place  will  please  me  so,  no  mean  of  death, 
As  here  by  Caesar,  and  by  you  cut  off, 
The  choice  and  master  spirits  of  this  age. 

Brutus,    O  Antony,  beg  not  your  death  of  us. 
Though  now  we  must  appear  bloody  and  cruel, 
As,  by  our  hands  and  this  our  present  act. 
You  see  we  do;  yet  see  you  but  our  hands. 
And  this  the  bleeding  business  they  have  done: 
Our  hearts  you  see  not, — they  are  pitiful; 
And  pity  to  the  general  wrong  of  Rome —  170 

sc.  l] 



As  fire  drives  out  fire,  so  pity  pity — 

Hath  done  this  deed  on  Caesar.    For  your  part, 

To  you  our  swords  have  leaden  points,  Mark  Antony: 

Our  arms,  in  strength  of  mahce,  and  our  hearts 

Of  brothers'  temper,  do  receive  you  in 

With  all  kind  love,  good  thoughts,  and  reverence. 

Cassius,    Your  voice  shall  be  as  strong  as  any  man's 
In  the  disposing  of  new  dignities. 

Brutus,    Only  be  patient  till  we  have  appeased 
The  multitude,  beside  themselves  with  fear,  i8o 
And  then  we  will  deliver  you  the  cause. 
Why  I,  that  did  love  Caesar  when  I  struck  him. 
Have  thus  proceeded. 

Antony,  I  doubt  not  of  your  wisdom. 

Let  each  man  render  me  his  bloody  hand : 
First,  Marcus  Brutus,  will  I  shake  with  you; — 
Next,  Caius  Cassius,  do  I  take  your  hand ; — 
Now,  Decius  Brutus,  yours; — now  yours,  Metellus; 
Yours,  Cinna; — and,  my  valiant  Casca,  yours; — 
Thou  last,  not  least  in  love,  yours,  good  Trebonius. 
Gentlemen  all, — alas,  what  shall  I  say?  190 
My  credit  now  stands  on  such  sHppery  ground. 
That  one  of  two  bad  ways  you  must  conceit  me, 
Either  a  coward  or  a  flatterer. 
That  I  did  love  thee,  Caesar,  O,  'tis  true : 
If,  then,  thy  spirit  look  upon  us  now, 
Shall  it  not  grieve  thee  dearer  than  thy  death, 
To  see  thy  Antony  making  his  peace. 
Shaking  the  bloody  fingers  of  thy  foes. 
Most  noble !  in  the  presence  of  thy  corse  ? 
Had  I  as  many  eyes  as  thou  hast  wounds,  200 
Weeping  as  fast  as  they  stream  forth  thy  blood, 
It  would  become  me  better  than  to  close 



In  terms  of  friendship  with  thine  enemies. 
Pardon  me,  Julius ! — Here  wast  thou  bay^d,  brave  hart, 
Here  didst  thou  fall;  and  here  thy  hunters  stand, 
Signed  in  thy  spoil,  and  crimsoned  in  thy  lethe. 
O  world,  thou  wast  the  forest  to  this  hart; 
And  this,  indeed,  O  world,  the  heart  of  thee. — 
How  like  a  deer,  strucken  by  many  princes, 
Dost  thou  here  lie !  210 
Cassius.    Mark  Antony, — 

Antony.  Pardon  me,  Caius  Cassius: 

The  enemies  of  Caesar  shall  say  this ; 
Then,  in  a  friend,  it  is  cold  modesty. 

Cassius,    I  blame  you  not  for  praising  Caesar  so; 
But  what  compact  mean  you  to  have  with  us? 
Will  you  be  prick'd  in  number  of  our  friends ; 
Or  shall  we  on,  and  not  depend  on  you? 

Antony.    Therefore  I  took  your  hands,  but  was,  indeed, 
Sway'd  from  the  point,  by  looking  down  on  Caesar. 
Friends  am  I  with  you  all,  and  love  you  all;  220 
Upon  this  hope,  that  you  shall  give  me  reasons 
Why  and  wherein  Caesar  was  dangerous. 

Brutus.    Or  else  were  this  a  savage  spectacle : 
Our  reasons  are  so  full  of  good  regard. 
That  were  you,  Antony,  the  son  of  Caesar, 
You  should  be  satisfied. 

Antony.  That's  all  I  seek: 

And  am  moreover  suitor  that  I  may 
Produce  his  body  to  the  market-place; 
And  in  the  pulpit,  as  becomes  a  friend, 
Speak  in  the  order  of  his  funeral.  230 

Brutus.    You  shall,  Mark  Antony. 

Cassius.  Brutus,  a  word  with  you. 

\Aside  to  Bru?[  You  know  not  what  you  do  :  do  not  consent 



That  Antony  speak  in  his  funeral : 

Know  you  how  much  the  people  may  be  mov'd 

By  that  which  he  will  utter? 

Brutus,  By  your  pardon; — • 

I  will  myself  into  the  pulpit  first, 
And  show  the  reason  of  our  Caesar's  death: 
What  Antony  shall  speak,  I  will  protest 
He  speaks  by  leave  and  by  permission; 
And  that  we  are  contented  Caesar  shall  240 
Have  all  true  rites  and  lawful  ceremonies. 
It  shall  advantage  more  than  do  us  wrong. 

Cassius,    I  know  not  what  may  fall;  I  like  it  not. 

Brutus,    Mark  Antony,  here,  take  you  Caesar's  body. 
You  shall  not  in  your  funeral  speech  blame  us, 
But  speak  all  good  you  can  devise  of  Caesar; 
And  say  you  do't  by  our  permission ; 
Else  shall  you  not  have  any  hand  at  all 
About  his  funeral :  and  you  shall  speak 
In  the  same  pulpit  whereto  I  am  going,  250 
After  my  speech  is  ended. 

Antony,  Be  it  so; 

I  do  desire  no  more. 

Brutus,    Prepare  the  body,  then,  and  follow  us. 

[Exeunt  all  except  Antony. 

Antony.    O,  pardon  me,  thou  bleeding  piece  of  earth, 
That  I  am  meek  and  gentle  with  these  butchers  I 
Thou  art  the  ruins  of  the  noblest  man 
That  ever  lived  in  the  tide  of  times. 
Woe  to  the  hands  that  shed  this  costly  blood ! 
Over  thy  wounds  now  do  I  prophesy, — 
Which,  like  dumb  mouths,  do  ope  their  ruby  lips,  260 
To  beg  the  voice  and  utterance  of  my  tongue, — 
A  curse  shall  light  upon  the  limbs  of  men; 

J.  c.  4 


JULIUS  CiESAR.  [act  III. 

Domestic  fury  and  fierce  civil  strife 

Shall  cumber  all  the  parts  of  Italy; 

Blood  and  destruction  shall  be  so  in  use, 

And  dreadful  objects  so  familiar, 

That  mothers  shall  but  smile  when  they  behold 

Their  infants  quartered  witii  the  hands  of  war; 

All  pity  chok'd  with  custom  of  fell  deeds  : 

And  Caesar's  spirit,  ranging  for  revenge,  270 

With  Ate  by  his  side  come  hot  from  hell, 

Shall  in  these  confines  with  a  monarch's  voice 

Cry     Havoc,"  and  let  slip  the  dogs  of  war; 

That  this  foul  deed  shall  smell  above  the  earth 

With  carrion  men,  groaning  for  burial. 

Enter  a  Servant. 

You  serve  Octavius  Caesar,  do  you  not? 
Servant.    I  do,  Mark  Antony. 

Antony.    Caesar  did  write  for  him  to  come  to  Rome. 

Servant.    He  did  receive  his  letters,  and  is  coming; 
And  bid  me  say  to  j/ou  by  word  of  mouth —  280 
O  Caesar  ! —  \_Seeing  the  body. 

Antony.    Thy  heart  is  big,  get  thee  apart  and  weep. 
Passion,  I  see,  is  catching;  for  mine  eyes. 
Seeing  those  beads  of  sorrow  stand  in  thine, 
Began  to  water.    Is  thy  master  coming? 

Servant,    He  lies  to-night  within  seven  leagues  of  Rome. 

Antony.    Post  back  with  speed,  and  tell  him  what  hath 
chanc'd  : 

Here  is  a  mourning  Rome,  a  dangerous  Rome, 

No  Rome  of  safety  for  Octavius  yet ; 

Hie  hence,  and  tell  him  so.    Yet,  stay  awhile;  290 

Thou  shalt  not  back  till  I  have  borne  this  corse 

Into  the  market-place :  there  shall  I  try. 

sc.  l] 


In  my  oration,  how  the  people  take 

The  cruel  issue  of  these  bloody  men; 

According  to  the  which^  thou  shalt  discourse 

To  young  Octavius  of  the  state  of  things. 

Lend  me  your  hand.  \Exeunt  with  Ccesar's  body 

Scene  11.    The  Forum, 
Enter  Brutus  and  Cassius,  and  a  throng  of  Citizens. 

Citize?is,    We  will  be  satisfied ;  let  us  be  satisfied. 

Bru.    Then  follow  me,  and  give  me  audience,  friends. — 
Cassius,  go  you  into  the  other  street. 
And  part  the  numbers. — 

Those  that  will  hear  me  speak,  let  'em  stay  here; 
Those  that  will  follow  Cassius,  go  with  him ; 
And  public  reasons  shall  be  rendered 
Of  Caesar's  death. 

First  Citizen,    I  will  hear  Brutus  speak. 

Sec.  Cit.   I  will  hear  Cassius ;  and  compare  their  reasons, 
When  severally  we  hear  them  rendered.  lo 
\Exit  Cassius^  with  so?ne  of  the  Citizens.  Brutus 
goes  into  the  pulpit. 

Third  Citizen.    The  noble  Brutus  is  ascended  :  silence ! 

Brutus.  Be  patient  till  the  last. 
Romans,  countrymen,  and  lovers  !  hear  me  for  my  cause, 
and  be  silent,  that  you  may  hear :  believe  me  for  mine  hon- 
our, and  have  respect  to  mine  honour,  that  you  may  be- 
lieve :  censure  me  in  your  wisdom,  and  awake  your  senses, 
that  you  may  the  better  judge.  If  there  be  any  in  this 
assembly,  any  dear  friend  of  Caesar's,  to  him  I  say,  that 
Brutus'  love  to  Caesar  was  no  less  than  his.    If,  then,  that 





friend  demand  why  Brutus  rose  against  Caesar,  this  is  my 
answer, — Not  that  I  loved  Caesar  less,  but  that  I  loved 
Rome  more.  Had  you  rather  Caesar  were  living,  and  die 
all  slaves,  than  that  Caesar  were  dead,  to  live  all  free  men  ? 
As  Caesar  loved  me,  I  weep  for  him ;  as  he  was  fortunate,  I 
rejoice  at  it ;  as  he  was  valiant,  I  honour  him :  but,  as  he 
was  ambitious,  I  slew  him.  There  is  tears  for  his  love ;  joy 
for  his  fortune ;  honour  for  his  valour ;  and  death  for  his 
ambition.  Who  is  here  so  base  that  would  be  a  bondman  ? 
If  any,  speak ;  for  him  have  I  offended.  Who  is  here  so 
rude  that  would  not  be  a  Roman  ?  If  any,  speak ;  for  him 
have  I  offended.  Who  is  here  so  vile  that  will  not  love  his 
country  ?  If  any,  speak ;  for  him  have  I  offended.  I  pause 
for  a  reply. 

Citizens,  None,  Brutus,  none.  38 
Brutus.  Then  none  have  I  offended.  I  have  done  no 
more  to  Caesar  than  you  shall  do  to  Brutus.  The  question 
of  his  death  is  enrolled  in  the  Capitol;  his  glory  not  ex- 
tenuated, wherein  he  was  worthy;  nor  his  offences  enforced, 
for  which  he  suffered  death. 

Enter  Antony  and  others^  with  Caesar's  body. 

Here  comes  his  body,  mourned  by  Mark  Antony :  who, 
though  he  had  no  hand  in  his  death,  shall  receive  the 
benefit  of  his  dying,  a  place  in  the  commonwealth;  as 
which  of  you  shall  not?  With  this  I  depart, — that,  as  I 
slew  my  best  lover  for  the  good  of  Rome,  I  have  the  same 
dagger  for  myself,  when  it  shall  please  my  country  to  need 
my  death. 

Citizens.    Live,  Brutus  !  live,  live  ! 

First  Cit.    Bring  him  with  triumph  home  unto  his  house. 
Second  Citizen.    Give  him  a  statue  with  his  ancestors. 
Third  Citizen.    Let  him  be  Caesar. 

sc.  IT.] 



Fourth  Citizeii.  Coesar's  better  parts 

Shall  be  crown'd  in  Brutus. 

First  Citizen.   We'll  bring  him  to  his  house  with  shouts 

and  clamours. 
Brutus.    My  countrymen, — 

Second  Citizen,  Peace,  silence  !  Brutus  speaks. 

First  Citizen.    Peace,  ho  ! 

Brutus.    Good  countrymen,  let  me  depart  alone,  60 
And,  for  my  sake,  stay  here  with  Antony  : 
Do  grace  to  Caesar's  corpse,  and  grace  his  speech 
Tending  to  Caesar's  glories ;  which  Mark  Antony, 
By  our  permission,  is  allow'd  to  make. 
I  do  entreat  you,  not  a  man  depart, 

Save  I  alone,  till  Antony  have  spoke.  [Fxit. 

First  Citizen,    Stay,  ho  !  and  let  us  hear  Mark  Antony. 

Third  Citize?i,    Let  him  go  up  into  the  public  chair; 
We'll  hear  him. — Noble  Antony,  go  up,  69 

Antony,    For  Brutus^  sake,  I  am  beholding  to  you. 

[^Goes  up  into  the  pulpit. 

Fourth  Citize?i.  AVhat  does  he  say  of  Brutus? 

Third  Citizen.  Pie  says,  for  Brutus'  sake, 

He  finds  himself  beholding  to  us  all. 

Fourth  at,   "Tv/ere  best  he  speak  no  harm  of  Brutus 

First  Citizen.    This  Caesar  was  a  tyrant. 
Third  Citizen.  Nay,  that's  certain  : 

We  are  bless'd  that  Rome  is  rid  of  him. 

S-econd  Citizen.  Peace  !  let  us  hear  what  Antony  can  say-. 
Antony.    You  gentle  Romans, — 

Citize7is.  Peace,  ho  !  let  us  hear  him. 

A7it.    Friends,  Romans,  countrymen,  lend  me  your  ears; 
I  come  to  bury  Caesar,  not  to  praise  him. 
The  evil  that  men  do  lives  after  them;  80 



[act  ITI. 

The  good  is  oft  interred  with  their  bones ; 
So  let  it  be  with  Csesar.    The  noble  Brutus 
Hath  told  you  Caesar  was  ambitious  : 
If  it  were  so,  it  was  a  grievous  fault; 
And  grievously  hath  Csesar  answer'd  it. 
Here,  under  leave  of  Brutus  and  the  rest, — - 
For  Brutus  is  an  honourable  man ; 
So  are  they  all,  all  honourable  men, — 
Come  I  to  speak  in  Caesar's  funeral. 

He  was  my  friend,  faithful  and  just  to  me :  90 

But  Brutus  says  he  was  ambitious ; 

And  Brutus  is  an  honourable  man. 

He  hath  brought  many  captives  home  to  Rome, 

A\Tiose  ransoms  did  the  general  coffers  fill : 

Did  this  in  Csesar  seem  ambitious  ? 

When  that  the  poor  have  cried,  Csesar  hath  wept : 

Ambition  should  be  made  of  sterner  stuff ; 

Yet  Brutus  says  he  was  ambitious ; 

And  Brutus  is  an  honourable  man. 

You  all  did  see  that  on  the  Lupercal  100 

I  thrice  presented  him  a  kingly  crown, 

AVhich  he  did  thrice  refuse:  v.^as  this  ambition? 

Yet  Brutus  says  he  was  ambitious ; 

And,  sure,  he  is  an  honourable  man. 

I  speak  not  to  disprove  what  Brutus  spoke, 

But  here  I  am  to  speak  what  I  do  know. 

You  all  did  love  him  once, — not  without  cause  : 

What  cause  withholds  you,  then,  to -mourn  for  him? 

O  judgment,  thou  art  fled  to  brutish  beasts. 

And  men  have  lost  their  reason! — Bear  with  me;  no 

My  heart  is  in  the  coffin  there  with  Caesar, 

And  I  must  pause  till  it  come  back  to  me. 

Fi'rsf  at,    Methinks  there  is  much  reason  in  his  sayings. 

sc.  II.] 



Sec.  Citizen,    If  thou  consider  rightly  of  the  matter, 
Caesar  has  had  great  wrong. 

Third  Citizeji.  Has  he,  masters? 

I  fear  there  will  a  worse  come  in  his  place. 

Fourth  at,    Mark'd  ye  his  words  ?  He  would  not  cake 
the  crown ; 

Therefore  'tis  certain  he  was  not  ambitious. 

First  at.    If  it  be  found  so,  some  will  dear  abide  it. 

Sec,  at.  Poor  soul!  his  eyes  are  red  as  fire  with  weeping. 

Third  at.    There's  not  a  nobler  man  in  Rome  than 
Antony.  121 

Fourth  at.    Now  mark  him,  he  begins  again  to  speak. 

A7itony.    But  yesterday  the  word  of  Caesar  might 
Have  stood  against  the  world  :  now  lies  he  there, 
And  none  so  poor  to  do  him  reverence. 

0  masters,  if  I  were  dispos'd  to  stir 

Your  hearts  and  minds  to  mutiny  and  rage, 

1  should  do  Brutus  wrong,  and  Cassius  wrong, 
Who,  you  all  know,  are  honourable  men : 

I  will  not  do  them  wrong;  I  rather  choose  130 

To  wrong  the  dead,  to  wrong  myself,  and  you, 

Than  I  will  wrong  such  honourable  men. 

But  here's  a  parchment  with  the  seal  of  Caesar; 

I  found  it  in  his  closet, — 'tis  his  will : 

Let  but  the  commons  hear  this  testament,— 

Which,  pardon  me,  I  do  not  mean  to  read, — 

And  they  would  go  and  kiss  dead  Csesar's  wounds, 

And  dip  their  napkins  in  his  sacred  blood; 

Yea,  beg  a  hair  of  him  for  memory. 

And,  dying,  mention  it  within  their  wills,  140 
^Bequeathing  it  as  a  rich  legacy 
Unto  their  issue. 

Fourth  at.    We'll  hear  the  will :  read  it,  Mark  Antony. 

56  JULIUS  CESAR.  [act  tit. 

Citizens.    The  will,  the  will !  we  will  hear  Cesar's  will. 

Ant.    Have  patience,  gentle  friends,  I  must  not  read  it; 
It  is  not  meet  you  know  how  Caesar  lov'd  you. 
You  are  not  wood,  you  are  not  stones,  but  men; 
And,  being  men,  hearing  the  will  of  Csesar, 
It  will  inflame  you,  it  will  make  you  mad : 
'Tis  good  you  know  not  that  you  are  his  heirs;  150 
For,  if  you  should,  O,  what  would  come  of  it ! 

Fourth  Citizen.    Read  the  will;  we'll  hear  it,  xA^ntony ; 
You  shall  read  us  the  will, — Caesar's  will. 

Antony.    Will  you  be  patient?  will  you  stay  awhile? 
I  have  o'ershot  myself  to  tell  you  of  it : 
I  fear  I  wrong  the  honourable  men 
Whose  daggers  have  stabb'd  Csesar;  I  do  fear  it. 

Fourth  Citizen.    They  were  traitors  :  honourable  men ! 

Citizens.    The  will !  the  testament ! 

Sec.  at.    They  were  villains,  murderers  :  the  will !  read 
the  will.  160 

Ant.    You  will  compel  me,  then,  to  read  the  will? 
Then  make  a  ring  about  the  corpse  of  Cassar, 
And  let  me  show  you  him  that  made  the  will. 
Shall  I  descend?  and  will  you  give  me  leave? 

Citizens.    Come  dov/n. 

Second  Citizen.  Descend. 

Third  Cit.    You  shall  have  leave.     \Antony  comes  down. 

Fourth  Citizen.    A  ring ;  stand  round. 

First  Cit.    Stand  from  the  hearse,  stand  from  the  body. 

Sec:.  Cit.    Room  for  x\ntony,— most  noble  Antony.    170  ' 

Antony.    Nay,  press  not  so  upon  me ;  stand  far  off. 

Citizens.    Stand  back  ;  room  ;  bear  back. 

Antony.    If  you  have  tears,  prepare  to  shed  them  now. 
You  all  do  know  this  mantle :  I  remember 
The  first  time  ever  Csesar  put  it  on; 

sc.  II.] 



'Twas  on  a  summer's  evening,  in  his  tent, 

That  day  he  overcame  the  Nervii : — 

Look,  in  this  place  ran  Cassius'  dagger  through: 

See  what  a  rent  the  envious  Casca  made: 

Through  this  the  well-beloved  Brutus  stabb'd;  iSo 

And,  as  he  pluck'd  his  cursed  steel  away, 

Mark  how  the  blood  of  Caesar  follow'd  it, 

As  rushing  out  of  doors,  to  be  resolv'd 

If  Brutus  so  unkindly  knock'd,  or  no; 

For  Brutus,  as  you  know,  was  Caesar's  angel: 

Judge,  O  you  gods,  how  dearly  Caesar  lov'd  him ! 

This  was  the  most  unkindest  cut  of  all; 

For  when  the  noble  Caesar  saw  him  stab, 

Ingratitude,  more  strong  than  traitors'  arms, 

Quite  vanquished  him :  then  burst  his  mighty  heart ;  190 

And,  in  his  mantle  muffling  up  his  face. 

Even  at  the  base  of  Pompey's  statue. 

Which  all  the  while  ran  blood,  great  Caesar  fell. 

O  what  a  fall  was  there,  my  countrymen ! 

Then  I,  and  you,  and  all  of  us  fell  down. 

Whilst  bloody  treason  flourish'd  over  us. 

O,  now  you  weep;  and,  I  perceive,  you  feel 

The  dint  of  pity :  these  are  gracious  drops. 

Kind  souls,  what,  weep  you  when  you  but  behold 

Our  Caesar's  vesture  wounded?   Look  you  here,  200 

Here  is  himself,  marr'd,  as  you  see,  w^ith  traitors. 

First  Citizen,    O  piteous  spectacle ! 

Second  Citizen,    O  noble  Caesar! 

Third  Citizen,    O  woful  day ! 

Fourth  Citizen,    O  traitors,  villains ! 

First  Citizen,    O  most  bloody  sight ! 

Second  Citizen,    We  will  be  revenged. 

Citizens,    Revenge  !  About !  Seek  !  Burn  !  Fire  !  Kill ! 



[act  III. 

Slay  1  Let  not  a  traitor  live  !  ^  . 

Antony.    Stay,  countrymen.  210 
First  Citizen.    Peace  there !  hear  the  noble  Antony. 
Sec.  Cit.    We'll  hear  him,  we'll  follow  him,  we'll  die  with 


Ant.    Good  friends,  sweet  friends,  let  me  not  stir  you  up 
To  such  a  sudden  flood  of  mutiny. 
They  that  have  done  this  deed  are  honourable : 
What  private  griefs  they  have,  alas,  I  know  not, 
That  made  them  do't;  they  are  wise  and  honourable, 
And  will,  no  doubt,  with  reasons  answer  you. 
I  come  not,  friends,  to  steal  away  your  hearts :  220 
I  am  no  orator,  as  Brutus  is; 
But,  as  you  know  me  all,  a  plain  blunt  man, 
That  love  my  friend;  and  that  they  know^  full  well 
That  gave  me  public  leave  to  speak  of  him  : 
For  I  have  neither  wit,  nor  words,  nor  worth. 
Action,  nor  utterance,  nor  the  power  of  speech, 
To  stir  men's  blood :  I  only  speak  right  on ; 
I  tell  you  that  which  you  yourselves  do  know; 
Show  you  sweet  Caesar's  wounds,  poor  poor  dumb  mouths, 
And  bid  them  speak  for  me :  but  were  I  Brutus,  230 
And  Brutus  iVntony,  there  were  an  Antony 
Would  ruffle  up  your  spirits,  and  put  a  tongue 
In  every  wound  of  Csesar,  that  should  move 
The  stones  of  Rome  to  rise  and  mutiny. 

Citizens.    We'll  mutiny. 

First  Citizen.    We'll  burn  the  house  of  Brutus. 
Third  Cit.    Away,  then !  come,  seek  the  conspirators. 
Ant.    Yet  hear  me,  countrymen ;  yet  hear  me  speak. 
Citizens.    Peace,  ho  !  hear  Antony, — most  noble  Antony. 
A7it.    Why,  friends,  you  go  to  do  you  know  not  what : 
Wherein  hath  Caesar  thus  deserv'd  your  loves?  241 

sc.  il] 



Alas,  you  know  not, — I  must  tell  you,  then : 
You  have  forgot  the  will  I  told  you  of. 

Citizens,  Most  true;  the  will !  let's  stay  and  hear  the  will. 

Antony,    Here  is  the  will,  and  under  Caesar's  seal : 
To  every  Roman  citizen  he  gives, 
To  every  several  man,  seventy-five  drachmas. 

Sec.  at.    Most  noble  Caesar ! — we'll  revenge  his  death. 

Third  Citizen,    O  royal  Caesar  ! 

Antony,  Hear  me  with  patience.  250 
Citizens,    Peace,  ho ! 

Antony,    Moreover,  he  hath  left  you  all  his  walks. 
His  private  arbours  and  new-planted  orchards. 
On  this  side  Tiber;  he  hath  left  them  you. 
And  to  your  heirs  for  ever, — common  pleasures, 
To  walk  abroad,  and  recreate  yourselves. 
Here  was  a  Caesar !  when  comes  such  another  ? 

First  Citizen,    Never,  never. — Come,  away,  away ! 
We'll  burn  his  body  in  the  holy  place, 
And  with  the  brands  fire  the  traitors'  houses.  260 
Take  up  the  body. 

Second  Citizen,    Go  fetch  fire. 

Third  Citizen,    Pluck  down  benches. 

Fourth  Citizen,    Pluck  down  forms,  windows,  anything. 

[Exeunt  Citizens  with  the  body, 

Antony,    Now  let  it  work.    Mischief,  thou  art  afoot. 
Take  thou  what  course  thou  wilt ! 

Enter  a  Servant. 

How  now,  fellow ! 
Servant.    Sir,  Octavius  is  already  come  to  Rome. 
Antony,    Where  is  he? 

Servant.    He  and  Lepidus  are  at  Caesar's  house. 
Antony,    And  thither  will  I  straight  to  visit  him :  270 



He  comes  upon  a  wish.    Fortune  is  merry, 
And  in  this  mood  will  give  us  any  thing. 

Servant,  I  heard  him  say,  Brutus  and  Cassius 
Are  rid  like  madmen  through  the  gates  of  Rome. 

Antony,    Belike  they  had  some  notice  of  the  people, 
How  I  had  mov'd  them.    Bring  me  to  Octavius.  \Exeunt, 

Scene  III.   A  street. 

Enter  Cinna  the  poet, 

Cinna,    I  dreamt  to-night  that  I  did  feast  with  Caesar, 
And  things  unluckily  charge  my  fantasy  : 
I  have  no  will  to  wander  forth  of  doors, 
Yet  something  leads  me  forth. 

Efiter  Citizens. 

First  Citizen.    What  is  your  name? 

Second  Citizen.    Whither  are  you  going? 

Third  Citizen.    Where,  do  you  dwell  ? 

Fourth  Cit.    Are  you  a  married  man  or  a  bachelor? 

Second  Citizen.    Answer  every  man  directly.  lo 

First  Citizen.    Ay,  and  briefly. 

Fourth  Citizen.    Ay,  and  wisely. 

Third  Citizen.    Ay,  and  truly,  you  were  best. 

Cin.  What  is  my  name  ?  Whither  am  I  going  ?  Where 
do  I  dwell  ?  Am  I  a  married  man  or  a  bachelor  ?  Then,  to 
answer  every  man  directly  and  briefly,  wisely  and  truly: — 
wisely  I  say,  I  am  a  bachelor. 

Sec.  Cit.  That's  as  much  as  to  say,  they  are  fools  that 
marry : — you'll  bear  me  a  bang  for  that,  I  fear.  Proceed ; 
directly.  21 

sc.  ITT.] 



Cinna,    Directly,  I  am  going  to  Caesar's  funeral 
First  Citizen,    As  a  friend  or  an  enemy? 
Cinna.    As  a  friend. 

Second  Citizen.    That  matter  is  answered  directly. 

Fourth  Citizen.    For  your  dwelling, — briefly. 

Cinna.    Briefly,  I  dwell  by  the  Capitol. 

Third  Citizen.    Your  name,  sir,  truly. 

Cinna.    Truly,  my  name  is  Cinna. 

First  Cit.    Tear  him  to  pieces ;  he's  a  conspirator.  31 

Cinna.    I  am  Cinna  the  poet,  I  am  Cinna  the  poet. 

Fourth  Cit.  Tear  him  for  his  bad  verses,  tear  him  for 
his  bad  verses. 

Cinna.    I  am  not  Cinna  the  conspirator. 

Fourth  Cit.  It  is  no  matter,  his  name's  Cinna;  pluck 
but  his  name  out  of  his  heart,  and  turn  him  going.  39 

Third  Cit.  Tear  him,  tear  him  !  Come,  brands,  ho !  fire- 
brands :  to  Brutus',  to  Cassius';  burn  all:  some  to  Decius' 
house,  and  some  to  Casca's ;  some  to  Ligarius' :  away,  go  ! 



Scene  I.    A  house  in  Rome, 
Antony,  Octavius,  and  Lepidus,  seated  at  a  table. 

Ant.  These  many,  then,  shall  die;  their  names  are  prick'd. 
Oct.  Your  brother  too  must  die ;  consent  you,  Lepidus  ? 
Lepidus.    I  do  consent, — 

Octavius,  Prick  him  down,  Antony. 

Lepidus.    Upon  condition  Publius  shall  not  live, 
Who  is  your  sister's  son,  Mark  Antony. 

Ant.    He  shall  not  live ;  look,  with  a  spot  I  damn  him. 



[ACT  IV. 

But,  Lepidus,  go  you  to  Caesar's  house ; 
Fetch  the  will  hither,  and  we  shall  determine 
How  to  cut  off  some  charge  in  legacies. 

Lepidus,    What,  shall  I  find  you  here  ?  lo, 

Octavius.  Or  here,  or  at 

The  Capitol.  \_Exit  Lepidus. 

Antony.    This  is  a  slight  unmeritable  man. 
Meet  to  be  sent  on  errands  :  is  it  fit. 
The  threefold  world  divided,  he  should  stand 
One  of  the  three  to  share  it? 

Octavius.  So  you  thought  him, 

And  took  his  voice  who  should  be  prick'd  to  die, 
In  our  black  sentence  and  proscription. 

Anto7iy.    Octavius,  I  have  seen  more  days  than  you : 
And  though  we  lay  these  honours  on  this  m^an, 
To  ease  ourselves  of  divers  slanderous  loads,  20 
He  shall  but  bear  them  as  the  ass  bears  gold, 
To  groan  and  sweat  under  the  business. 
Either  led  or  driven,  as  we  point  the  way; 
And  having  brought  our  treasure  where  we  will, 
Then  take  we  down  his  load,  and  turn  him  off, 
Like  to  the  empty  ass,  to  shake  his  ears. 
And  graze  in  commons. 

Octavius.  You  may  do  your  will : 

But  he's  a  tried  and  valiant  soldier. 

Antony.    So  is  my  horse,  Octavius  ;  and  for  that 
I  do  appoint  him  store  of  provender :  30 
It  is  a  creature  that  I  teach  to  fight. 
To  wind,  to  stop,  to  run  directly  on, 
His  corporal  motion  govern'd  by  my  spirit. 
And,  in  some  taste,  is  Lepidus  but  so ; 
He  must  be  taught,  and  train'd,  and  bid  go  forth; 
A  barren-spirited  fellow ;  one  that  feeds 



On  abjects,  orts  and  imitations, 

Which,  out  of  use  and  staFd  by  other  men, 

Begin  his  fashion  :  do  not  talk  of  him 

But  as  a  property.    And  now,  Octavius,  40 

Listen  great  things : — Brutus  and  Cassius 

Are  levying  powers  :  we  must  straight  make  head : 

Therefore  let  our  alliance  be  combined, 

Our  best  friends  made,  our  means  stretch'd ; 

And  let  us  presently  go  sit  in  council. 

How  covert  matters  may  be  best  disclosed. 

And  open  perils  surest  answered. 

Octavius.    Let  us  do  so  :  for  we  are  at  the  stake, 
And  bay'd  about  with  many  enemies ; 
And  some  that  smile  have  in  their  hearts,  I  fear,  50 
Millions  of  mischiefs.  [Exeunt 

Scene  IL  Camp  near  Sardis.  Before  Brutus's  tent. 

Drum.  Enter  Brutus,  Lucilius,  Titinius,  and  Soldiers; 
PiNDARUS  meeting  them  ;  Lucius  at  some  distance. 

Brutus.    Stand,  ho ! 

Lucilius.    Give  the  word,  ho  !  and  stand. 

Brutus.    What  now,  Lucilius  !  is  Cassius  near  ? 

Lucilius.    He  is  at  hand ;  and  Pindarus  is  come 
To  do  you  salutation  from  his  master. 

[Pindarus  gives  a  letter  to  Brutus. 

Brutus.    He  greets  me  well. — Your  master,  Pindarus, 
In  his  own  change,  or  by  ill  officers. 
Hath  given  me  some  worthy  cause  to  wish 
Things  done  undone :  but,  if  he  be  at  hand, 
I  shall  be  satisfied. 

Pindarus.  I  do  not  doubt  10 



[ACT  IV. 

But  that  my  noble  master  will  appear 
Such  as  he  is,  full  of  regard  and  honour. 

Brutus,    He  is  not  doubted. — A  word,  Lucilius; 
How  he  receiv'd  you,  let  me  be  resolv'd. 

Lucilius.    With  courtesy  and  with  respect  enough ; 
But  not  with  such  familiar  instances, 
Nor  with  such  free  and  friendly  conference, 
As  he  hath  us'd  of  old. 

Brutus,  Thou  hast  described 

A  hot  friend  cooling :  ever  note,  Lucilius, 
When  love  begins  to  sicken  and  decay,  20 
It  useth  an  enforced  ceremony. 
There  are  no  tricks  in  plain  and  simple  faith : 
But  hollow  men,  like  horses  hot  at  hand. 
Make  gallant  show  and  promise  of  their  mettle; 
But  when  they  should  endure  the  bloody  spur, 
They  fall  their  crests,  and,  like  deceitful  jades. 
Sink  in  the  trial.    Comes  his  army  on? 

Lucilius,  They  mean  this  night  in  Sardis  to  be  quartered; 
The  greater  part,  the  horse  in  general, 
Are  come  with  Cassius.  \March  within. 

Brutus.  Hark  !  he  is  arrived  : —  30 

March  gently  on  to  meet  him. 

Enter  Cassius  and  Soldiers. 
Cassius.    Stand,  ho ! 

Brutus.    Stand,  ho !    Speak  the  word  along. 
Withifi.    Stand ! 
Within.    Stand ! 
Within.    Stand ! 

Cassius.    Most  noble  brother,  you  have  done  me  wrong. 
Brutus.    Judge  me,  you  gods!  wrong  I  mine  enemies? 
And  if  not  so,  how  should  I  wrong  a  brother? 

sc.  IT.] 


Cassius.  Brutus,  this  sober  form  of  yours  hides  wrongs  ; 
And  when  you  do  them — 

Brutus.  Cassius,  be  content;  41 

Speak  your  griefs  softly, — I  do  know  you  well. 
Before  the  eyes  of  both  our  armies  here. 
Which  should  perceive  nothing  but  love  from  us, 
Let  us  not  wrangle :  bid  them  move  away ; 
Then  in  my  tent,  Cassius,  enlarge  your  griefs, 
And  I  will  give  you  audience, 

Cassius,  Pindarus, 
Bid  our  commanders  lead  their  charges  off, 
A  little  from  this  ground. 

Brutus.    Lucius,  do  you  the  like;  and  let  no  man  50 
Come  to  our  tent  till  we  have  done  our  conference. 
Lucilius  and  Titinius  guard  our  door.  [Exeunt. 

Scene  III.     WitJiin  the  tent  of  BRUTUS. 
Enter  Brutus  and  Cassius. 

Cassius.   That  you  have  wrong'd  me  doth  appear  in  this  : 
You  have  condemned  and  noted  Lucius  Pella 
For  taking  bribes  here  of  the  Sardians ; 
Wherein  my  letters,  praying  on  his  side, 
Because  I  knew  the  man,  were  slighted  off. 

Brutus.   You  wrong'd  yourself  to  write  in  such  a  case. 

Cassius.  In  such  a  time  as  this  it  is  not  meet 
That  every  nice  offence  should  bear  his  comment. 

Brutus.    Let  me  tell  you,  Cassius,  you  yourself 
Are  much  condemned  to  have  an  itching  palm;  10 
To  sell  and  mart  your  offices  for  gold 
To  undeservers. 

Cassius.         I  an  itching  palm ! 



[ACT  IV. 

You  know  that  you  are  Brutus  that  speaks  this, 
Or,  by  the  gods,  this  speech  were  else  your  last. 

Brutus,  The  name  of  Cassius  honours  this  corruption, 
And  chastisement  doth  therefore  hide  his  head. 

Cassius.    Chastisement ! 

Brutus.  Remember  March,  the  ides  of  March  remember : 
Did  not  great  JuHus  bleed  for  justice'  sake? 
What  villain  touched  his  body,  that  did  stab,  20 
And  not  for  justice?    What,  shall  one  of  us. 
That  struck  the  foremost  man  of  all  this  world 
But  for  supporting  robbers,  shall  we  now 
Contaminate  our  fingers  with  base  bribes, 
And  sell  the  mighty  space  of  our  large  honours 
For  so  much  trash  as  may  be  grasped  thus? 
I  had  rather  be  a  dog,  and  bay  the  moon, 
Than  such  a  Roman. 

Cassius.  Brutus,  bay  not  me; 

I'll  not  endure  it :  you  forget  yourself. 
To  hedge  me  in;  I  am  a  soldier,  I,  30 
Older  in  practice,  abler  than  yourself 
To  make  conditions. 

Brutus.  Go  to;  you  are  not,  Cassius. 

Cassius.    I  am. 

Brutus.    I  say  you  are  not. 

Cassius.    Urge  me  no  more,  I  shall  forget  myself; 
Have  mind  upon  your  health,  tempt  me  no  further. 
Brutus.    Away,  slight  man  ! 
Cassius.    Is't  possible? 

Brutus.  Hear  me,  for  I  will  speak. 

Must  I  give  way  and  room  to  your  rash  choler? 
Shall  I  be  frighted  when  a  madman  stares?  40 

Cassius.    O  ye  gods,  ye  gods  1  must  I  endure  all  this? 

Bru.  All  this!  ay,  more:  fret  till  your  proud  heart  break; 

sc.  TIT.] 


Go  show  your  slaves  how  choleric  you  are, 
And  make  your  bondmen  tremble.    Must  I  budge? 
Must  I  observe  you?  must  I  stand  and  crouch 
Under  your  testy  humour?    By  the  gods, 
You  shall  digest  the  venom  of  your  spleen, 
Though  it  do  split  you ;  for,  from  this  day  forth, 
I'll  use  you  for  my  mirth,  yea,  for  my  laughter, 
When  you  are  waspish. 

Cassius.  Is  it  come  to  this?  50 

Brutus.    You  say  you  are  a  better  soldier: 
Let  it  appear  so;  make  your  vaunting  true, 
And  it  shall  please  me  well :  for  mine  own  part, 
I  shall  be  glad  to  learn  of  noble  men. 

Cass.    You  wrong  me  every  way;  you  wrong  me,  Brutus; 
I  said,  an  elder  soldier,  not  a  better : 
Did  I  say  "better"? 

Brutus,  If  you  did,  I  care  not. 

Cass,  When  Caesar  liv'd  he  durst  not  thus  have  mov'd  me. 

Bru,   Peace,  peace !  you  durst  not  so  have  tempted  him. 

Cassius.    I  durst  not !  60 

Brutus.  No. 

Cassius,    What,  durst  not  tempt  him  ! 

Brutus,  For  your  life  you  durst  not 

Cassius.    Do  not  presume  too  much  upon  my  love; 
I  may  do  that  I  shall  be  sorry  for. 

Brutus,    You  have  done  that  you  should  be  sorry  for. 
There  is  no  terror,  Cassius,  in  your  threats; 
For  I  am  arm'd  so  strong  in  honesty, 
That  they  pass  by  me  as  the  idle  wind, 
Which  I  respect  not.    I  did  send  to  you 
For  certain  sums  of  gold,  which  you  denied  me; —  70 
For  I  can  raise  no  money  by  vile  means : 
By  heaven,  I  had  rather  coin  my  heart, 




[act  IV. 

And  drop  my  blood  for  drachmas,  tlian  to  wring 

From  the  hard  hands  of  peasants  their  vile  trash 

By  any  indirection; — I  did  send 

To  you  for  gold  to  pay  my  legions, 

Which  you  denied  me :  was  that  done  like  Cassius  ? 

Should  I  have  answer'd  Caius  Cassius  so? 

When  Marcus  Brutus  grows  so  covetous, 

To  lock  such  rascal  counters  from  his  friends,  80 

Be  ready,  gods,  with  all  your  thunderbolts ; 

Dash  him  to  pieces  ! 

Cassius,  I  denied  you  not. 

Brutus.    You  did. 

Cassius,    I  did  not :  he  was  but  a  fool  that  brought 
My  answer  back. — Brutus  hath  riv'd  my  heart : 
A  friend  should  bear  his  friend's  infirmities, 
But  Brutus  makes  mine  greater  than  they  are. 

Brutus,    I  do  not,  till  you  practise  them  on  me. 

Cassius.    You  love  me  not. 

Brutus.  I  do  not  like  your  faults. 

Cassius,   A  friendly  eye  could  never  see  such  faults.  90 

Brutus,  A  flatterer's  would  not,  though  they  do  appear 
As  huge  as  high  Olympus. 

Cassius.    Come,  Antony,  and  young  Octavius,  come. 
Revenge  yourselves  alone  on  Cassius, 
For  Cassius  is  aweary  of  the  world; 
Hated  by  one  he  loves;  brav'd  by  his  brother; 
Check'd  like  a  bondman;  all  his  faults  observed, 
Set  in  a  note-book,  learn'd,  and  conn'd  by  rote, 
To  cast  into  my  teeth.    O,  I  could  weep 
My  spirit  from  mine  eyes  ! — There  is  my  dagger,  100 
And  here  my  naked  breast;  within,  a  heart 
Dearer  than  Plutus'  mine,  richer  than  gold: 
If  that  thou  be'st  a  Roman,  take  it  forth ; 

sc.  III.] 



I,  that  denied  thee  gold,  will  give  my  heart: 

Strike,  as  thou  didst  at  Csesar;  for,  I  know, 

When  thou  didst  hate  him  worst,  thou  lov'dst  him  better 

Than  ever  thou  lov'dst  Cassius. 

Brutus,  Sheathe  your  dagger  : 

Be  angry  when  you  will,  it  shall  have  scope ; 
Do  what  you  will,  dishonour  shall  be  humour. 
O  Cassius,  you  are  yoked  with  a  lamb  no 
That  carries  anger  as  the  flint  bears  fire; 
Who,  much  enforced,  shows  a  hasty  spark. 
And  straight  is  cold  again. 

Cassius,  Hath  Cassius  liv'd 

To  be  but  mirth  and  laughter  to  his  Brutus, 
When  grief,  and  blood  ill-temper'd,  vexeth  him? 

Brutus,    When  I  spoke  that,  I  was  ill-temper'd  too. 

Cassius,    Do  you  confess  so  much  ?   Give  me  your  hand. 

Brutus,    And  my  heart  too. 

Cassius,  O  Brutus, — 

Brutus,  What's  the  matter? 

Cassius,  Have  not  you  love  enough  to  bear  with  me. 
When  that  rash  humour  which  my  mother  gave  me  120 
Makes  me  forgetful? 

Brutus.  Yes,  Cassius;  and,  from  henceforth, 

When  you  are  over-earnest  with  your  Brutus, 
He'll  think  your  mother  chides,  and  leave  you  so. 

Poet,  [JVitkin]  Let  me  go  in  to  see  the  generals; 
There  is  some  grudge  between  'em,  'tis  not  meet 
They  be  alone. 

Lucilius,  [JVitkin]  You  shall  not  come  to  them. 

Boet.  [  Within]  Nothing  but  death  shall  stay  me. 

Enter  Poet,  followed  by  Lucilius,  Titinius,  and  Lucius. 
Cassius,    How  now  1  what's  the  matter  ? 



[act  IV. 

Poet.   For  shame,  you  generals  !  what  do  you  mean?  130 
Love,  and  be  friends,  as  two  such  men  should  be ; 
For  I  have  seen  more  years,  l^m  sure,  than  ye. 

Cassius,    Ha,  ha!  how  vilely  doth  this  cynic  rhyme! 

Brutus.    Get  you  hence,  sirrah ;  saucy  fellow,  hence ! 

Cassius.    Bear  with  him,  Brutus;  'tis  his  fashion. 

Brutus,    ril  know  his  humour,  when  he  knows  his  time ; 
What  should  the  wars  do  with  these  jigging  fools? — 
Companion,  hence ! 

Cassius.  Away,  away,  be  gone !         [Exit  Poet. 

Brutus.    Lucilius  and  Titinius,  bid  the  commanders 
Prepare  to  lodge  their  companies  to-night.  140 

Cass.  And  come  yourselves,  and  bring  Messala  with  you 
Immediately  to  us.  [Exeunt  Lucilius  and  Titinius. 

Brutus.  Lucius,  a  bowl  of  wine ! 

Cassius.    I  did  not  think  you  could  have  been  so  angry. 

Brutus.    O  Cassius,  I  am  sick  of  many  griefs. 

Cassius.    Of  your  philosophy  you  make  no  use, 
If  you  give  place  to  accidental  evils. 

Brutus.    No  man  bears  sorrow  better : — Portia  is  dead. 

Cassius.    Ha  !  Portia  ! 

Brutus.    She  is  dead. 

Cassius.  How  scap'd  I  killing  when  I  cross'd  you  so  ? — 
O  insupportable  and  touching  loss! —  151 
Upon  what  sickness? 

Brutus.  Impatient  of  my  absence, 

And  grief  that  young  Octavius  with  Mark  Antony 
Have  made  themselves  so  strong; — for  with  her  death 
That  tidings  came; — with  this  she  fell  distract, 
And,  her  attendants  absent,  swallow'd  fire. 

Cassius.    And  died  so? 

Brutus.  Even  so. 

Cassius,  O  ye  immortal  gods  1 

sc.  III.] 



Re-enter  Lucius,  with  wine  and  taper, 

Bru,  Speak  no  more  of  her. — Give  me  a  bowl  of  wine. — 
In  this  I  bury  all  unkindness,  Cassius.  \_Drinks, 

Cassius,    My  heart  is  thirsty  for  that  noble  pledge. — 
Fill,  Lucius,  till  the  \yine  o'erswell  the  cup;  161 
I  cannot  drink  too  much  of  Brutus'  love.  [^Drinks, 

Brutus,    Come  in,  Titinius  !  \_Exit  Lucius, 

Re-enter  Titinius,  ivith  Messala. 

Welcome,  good  Messala, 
Now  sit  we  close  about  this  taper  here, 
And  call  in  question  our  necessities. 
Cassius.    Portia,  art  thou  gone  ? 

Brutus.  No  more,  I  pray  you. — 

Messala,  I  have  here  received  letters, 
That  young  Octavius  and  Mark  Antony 
Come  down  upon  us  with  a  mighty  power, 
Bending  their  expedition  tow^ard  Philippi.  170 

Messala,    Myself  have  letters  of  the  selfsame  tenour. 

Brutus.    With  what  addition? 

Messala,    That  by  proscription  and  bills  of  outlawry, 
Octavius,  Antony,  and  Lepidus, 
Have  put  to  death  an  hundred  senators. 

Brutus.    Therein  our  letters  do  not  well  agree; 
Mine  speak  of  seventy  senators  that  died 
By  their  proscriptions,  Cicero  being  one. 

Cassius,    Cicero  one ! 

Messala.  Cicero  is  dead. 

And  by  that  order  of  proscription. —  180 
Had  you  your  letters  from  your  wife,  my  lord? 

Brutus.    No,  Messala. 

Messala.    Nor  nothing  in  your  letters  writ  of  her? 
Brutus,    Nothing,  Messala. 



[ACT  IV. 

Messala.  That,  methinks,  is  strange. 

Brutus,  Why  ask  you?  hear  you  aught  of  her  in  yours? 
Messala,    No,  my  lord. 

Brutus,    Now,  as  you  are  a  Roman,  tell  me  true. 

Messala,    Then  like  a  Roman  bear  the  truth  I  tell : 
For  certain  she  is  dead,  and  by  strange  manner. 

Brutus,  Why,  farewell,  Portia. — We  must  die,  Messala: 
With  meditating  that  she  must  die  once,  191 
I  have  the  patience  to  endure  it  now. 

Messala,    Even  so  great  men  great  losses  should  endure. 

Cassius.    I  have  as  much  of  this  in  art  as  you. 
But  yet  my  nature  could  not  bear  it  so. 

Brutus.  Well,  to  our  work  alive.  What  do  you  think 
Of  marching  to  Philippi  presently? 

Cassius.    I  do  not  think  it  good. 

Brutus,  Your  reason? 

Cassius,  This  it  is: 

'Tis  better  that  the  enemy  seek  us : 

So  shall  he  waste  his  means,  weary  his  soldiers,  200 
Doing  himself  offence;  whilst  we,  lying  still, 
Are  full  of  rest,  defence,  and  nimbleness. 

Bru,    Good  reasons  must,  of  force,  give  place  to  better. 
The  people  'twixt  Philippi  and  this  ground 
Do  stand  but  in  a  forced  affection ; 
For  they  have  grudged  us  contribution: 
The  enemy,  marching  along  by  them. 
By  them  shall  make  a  fuller  number  up, 
Come  on  refreshed,  new-added,  and  encouraged; 
From  which  advantage  shall  we  cut  him  off,  210 
If  at  Philippi  we  do  face  him  there, 
These  people  at  our  back. 

Cassius,  Hear  me,  good  brother. 

Brutus,    Under  your  pardon. — You  must  note  beside, 

sc.  III.] 



That  we  have  tried  the  utmost  of  our  friends, 

Our  legions  are  brim-full,  our  cause  is  ripe: 

The  enemy  increaseth  every  day ; 

We,  at  the  height,  are  ready  to  decline. 

There  is  a  tide  in  the  affairs  of  men. 

Which,  taken  at  the  flood,  leads  on  to  fortune; 

Omitted,  all  the  voyage  of  their  life  220 

Is  bound  in  shallows  and  in  miseries. 

On  such  a  full  sea  are  we  now  afloat; 

And  we  must  take  the  current  when  it  serves, 

Or  lose  our  ventures. 

Cassius.  Then,  with  your  will,  go  on; 

We'll  along  ourselves,  and  meet  them  at  Philippi. 

Brutus.    The  deep  of  night  is  crept  upon  our  talk. 
And  nature  must  obey  necessity; 
Which  we  will  niggard  with  a  little  rest. 
There  is  no  more  to  say? 

Cassius,  No  more.    Good  night : 

Early  to-morrow  will  we  rise,  and  hence.  230 

Bru.    Lucius  1  [Enter  Lucius.']  My  gown.   [Exit  Lucius.'] 
Farewell,  good  Messala  : — 
Good  night,  Titinius : — noble,  noble  Cassius, 
Good  night,  and  good  repose. 

Cassius.  O  my  dear  brother! 

This  was  an  ill  beginning  of  the  night : 
Never  come  such  division  'tween  our  souls  I 
Let  it  not,  Brutus. 

Brutus.  Every  thing  is  well. 

Cassius.    Good  night,  my  lord. 

Brutus.  Good  night,  good  brother. 

Titin.^  Afess.    Good  night,  Lord  Brutus. 

Brutus,  Farewell,  every  one. 

[Exeunt  Cassius,  Titinius^  and  Messala 



[act  IV. 

Re-enter  Lucius,  ivith  the  goivn. 

Give  me  the  gown.    Where  is  thy  instrument? 
Lucius.    Here  in  the  tent. 

Brutus,  What,  thou  speak'st  drowsily  ? 

Poor  knave,  I  blame  thee  not;  thou  art  o'er-watch'd.  241 
Call  Claudius  and  some  other  of  my  men ; 
I'll  have  them  sleep  on  cushions  in  my  tent. 

Lucius,    Varro  and  Claudius  I 

Enter  Varro  and  Claudius. 
Varro.    Calls  my  lord? 

Brutus.    I  pray  you,  sirs,  lie  in  my  tent  and  sleep ; 
It  may  be  I  shall  raise  you  by  and  by 
On  business  to  my  brother  Cassius. 

Varro.    So  please  you,  we  will  stand  and  watch  your 

Brutus.    I  will  not  have  it  so:  lie  down,  good  sirs;  250 
It  may  be  I  shall  otherwise  bethink  me. — 
Look,  Lucius,  here's  the  book  I  sought  for  so; 
I  put  it  in  the  pocket  of  my  gow^n. 

[  Varro  and  Claudius  lie  down. 

Lucius.    I  was  sure  your  lordship  did  not  give  it  me. 

Brutus.    Bear  with  me,  good  boy,  I  am  much  forgetful. 
Canst  thou  hold  up  thy  heavy  eyes  awhile, 
And  touch  thy  instrument  a  strain  or  two? 

Lucius.    Ay,  my  lord,  an't  please  you. 

Brutus.  It  does,  my  boy: 

I  trouble  thee  too  much,  but  tliou  art  willing. 

Lucius.    It  is  my  duty,  sir.  260 

Brutus.    I  should  not  urge  thy  duty  past  thy  might; 
I  know  young  bloods  look  for  a  time  of  rest. 

sc.  III.] 



Lucius,    I  have  slept,  my  lord,  already. 
Brutus,    It  was  well  done;  and  thou  shalt  sleep  again; 
I  will  not  hold  thee  long  :  if  I  do  live, 
I  will  be  good  to  thee. 

\Music^  and  a  song^  towards  the  end  of  which  Lucius 
falls  asleep. 

This  is  a  sleepy  tune : — O  murderous  slumber, 

Lay'st  thou  thy  leaden  mace  upon  my  boy. 

That  plays  thee  music? — Gentle  knave,  good  night; 

I  will  not  do  thee  so  much  wrong  to  wake  thee:  270 

If  thou  dost  nod,  thou  break'st  thy  instrument; 

ril  take  it  from  thee;  and,  good  boy,  good  night. — 

Let  me  see,  let  me  see;  is  not  the  leaf  turn'd  down 

Where  I  left  reading?    Here  it  is,  I  think. 

Enter  the  Ghost  of  Caesar. 

How  ill  this  taper  burns  ! — Ha  !  who  comes  here  ? 

I  think  it  is  the  weakness  of  mine  eyes 

That  shapes  this  monstrous  apparition. 

It  comes  upon  me. — Art  thou  any  thing? 

Art  thou  some  god,  some  angel,  or  some  devil. 

That  mak^st  my  blood  cold,  and  my  hair  to  stare? 

Speak  to  me  what  thou  art.  281 

Ghost.    Thy  evil  spirit,  Brutus. 

Brutus,    Why  comest  thou? 

Ghost,    To  tell  thee  thou  shalt  see  me  at  Philippi. 
Brutus,    Well;  then  I  shall  see  thee  again? 
Ghost,    Ay,  at  Philippi. 

Brutus,    Why,  I  will  see  thee  at  Philippi,  then. 

\Ghost  vanishes. 

Now  I  have  taken  heart  thou  vanishest : 

111  spirit,  I  would  hold  more  talk  with  thee.— 



[ACT  IV. 

Boy,  Lucius  ! — Varro  !  Claudius  ! — Sirs,  awake  ! — 
Claudius !  291 

Lucius.    The  strings,  my  lord,  are  false. 

Brutus,    He  thinks  he  still  is  at  his  instrument. — 
Lucius,  awake  ! 

Lucius.    My  lord? 

Brutus,    Didst  thou  dream,  Lucius,  that  thou  so  criedst 

Lucius.    My  lord,  I  do  not  know  that  I  did  cry. 
Brutus.   Yes,  that  thou  didst :  didst  thou  see  any  thing? 
Lucius.    Nothing,  my  lord. 

Brutus.    Sleep  again,  Lucius. — Sirrah  Claudius  ! —  300 
\To  Varro.']  Fellow  thou,  awake ! 
Varro.    My  lord? 
Claudius.    My  lord? 

Brutus.  Why  did  you  so  cry  out,  sirs,  in  your  sleep? 
Far.,  Clau.    Did  we,  my  lord? 

Brutus.  Ay  :  saw  you  any  thing? 

Varro.    No,  my  lord,  I  saw  nothing. 

Claudius.  Nor  I,  my  lord. 

Brutus.    Go  and  commend  me  to  my  brother  Cassius ; 
Bid  him  set  on  his  powers  betimes  before, 
And  we  will  follow. 

Varro. ^  Clau.       It  shall  be  done,  my  lord.  309  \_Exeunt, 

ACT  V.  SC.  I.] 



ACT  V. 

Scene  I.    The  plams  of  Philippi. 

Enter  Octavius,  Antony,  and  their  Army. 

Odavius,    Now,  Antony,  our  hopes  are  answered : 
You  said  the  enemy  would  not  come  down, 
But  keep  the  hills  and  upper  regions : 
It  proves  not  so;  their  battles  are  at  hand; 
They  mean  to  warn  us  at  Philippi  here. 
Answering  before  we  do  demand  of  them. 

Antony.    Tut,  I  am  in  their  bosoms,  and  T  know 
Wherefore  they  do  it :  they  could  be  content 
To  visit  other  places;  and  come  down 
With  fearful  bravery,  thinking  by  this  face  lo 
To  fasten  in  our  thoughts  that  they  have  courage; 
But  'tis  not  so. 

Enter  a  Messenger. 

Messenger.       Prepare  you,  generals  : 
The  enemy  comes  on  in  gallant  show; 
Their  bloody  sign  of  battle  is  hung  out. 
And  something  to  be  done  immediately. 

Antony.    Octavius,  lead  your  battle  softly  on, 
Upon  the  left  hand  of  the  even  field. 

Octavius.    Upon  the  right  hand  I;  keep  thou  the  left. 

Antony.    Why  do  you  cross  me  in  this  exigent? 

Oct.    I  do  not  cross-  you ;  but  I  will  do  so.   [Ivlarch.  20 

Drum.    Enter  Brutus,  Cassius,  and  their  Army ; 
LuciLius,  TiTiNius,  Messala,  and  others. 

Brutus.    They  stand,  and  would  have  parley. 



[ACT  V. 

Cassius.    Stand  fast,  Titinius :  we  must  out  and  talk. 

Octavius,    Mark  Antony,  shall  we  give  sign  of  battle? 

Antony.    No,  Caesar,  we  will  answer  on  their  charge. 
Make  forth;  the  generals  would  have  some  words. 

Octavius.    Stir  not  until  the  signal. 

Brutus.    Words  before  blows :  is  it  so,  countrymen  ? 

Octavius.    Not  that  we  love  words  better,  as  you  do. 

Bru.    Good  words  are  better  than  bad  strokes,  Octavius. 

Ant.  In  your  bad  strokes,  Brutus,  you  give  good  words; 
Witness  the  hole  you  made  in  Caesar's  heart,  31 
Crying,  "Long  live!  hail,  Caesar!" 

Cassius.  Antony, 
The  posture  of  your  blows  are  yet  unknown; 
But  for  your  words,  they  rob  the  Hybla  bees, 
And  leave  them  honeyless. 

Antony.  Not  stingless  too. 

Brutus.    O,  yes,  and  soundless  too ; 
For  you  have  stol'n  their  buzzing,  Antony, 
And  very  wisely  threat  before  you  sting. 

Ant.    Villains,  you  did  not  so,  when  your  vile  daggers 
Hack'd  one  another  in  the  sides  of  Caesar :  40 
You  showed  your  teeth  like  apes,  and  fawn'd  like  hounds, 
And  bow'd  like  bondmen,  kissing  Caesar's  feet; 
Whilst  damned  Casca,  like  a  cur,  behind 
Struck  Caesar  on  the  neck.    O  you  flatterers  ! 

Cassius.    Flatterers  !— Now,  Brutus,  thank  yourself : 
This  tongue  had  not  offended  so  to-day, 
If  Cassius  might  have  rul'd. 

Oct.    Come,  come,  the  cause  :  if  arguing  make  us  sweat, 
The  proof  of  it  will  turn  to  redder  drops. 
Look, —  50 
I  draw  a  sword  against  conspirators; 
When  think  you  that  the  sword  goes  up  again? 



Never,  till  Caesar's  three-and-thirty  wounds 

Be  well  aveng'd ;  or  till  another  Caesar 

Have  added  slaughter  to  the  sword  of  traitors. 

Brutus.  Caesar,  thou  canst  not  die  by  traitors'  hands, 
Unless  thou  bring'st  them  with  thee. 

Octavius,  So  I  hope; 

I  was  not  born  to  die  on  Brutus'  sword. 

Brutus,    O,  if  thou  wert  the  noblest  of  thy  strain, 
Young  man,  thou  couldst  not  die  more  honourable.  60 

Cassius,  A  peevish  schoolboy,  worthless  of  such  honour, 
Join'd  with  a  masker  and  a  reveller  1 

Antony,    Old  Cassius  still ! 

Octavius.  Come,  Antony ;  away  ! — 

Defiance,  traitors,  hurl  we  in  your  teeth : 
If  you  dare  fight  to-day,  come  to  the  field ; 
If  not,  when  you  have  stomachs. 

[Exeunt  Octavius,  Antony,  and  their  Army. 

Cass.  Why,  now,  blow  wind,  swell  billow,  and  swim  bark! 
The  storm  is  up,  and  all  is  on  the  hazard. 

Brutus.    Ho,  Lucilius  !  hark ;  a  word  with  you. 

Lucilius.  My  lord  ? 

[Brutus  and  Lucilius  converse  apart. 

Cassius.    Messala ! 

Messala,  What  says  my  general?  70 

Cassius.  Messala, 
This  is  my  birth-day;  as  this  very  day 
Was  Cassius  born.    Give  me  thy  hand,  Messala : 
Be  thou  my  witness  that,  against  my  will, 
As  Pompey  was,  am  I  compell'd  to  set 
Upon  one  battle  all  our  liberties. 
You  know  that  I  held  Epicurus  strong, 
And  his  opinion  :  now  I  change  my  mind, 
And  partly  credit  things  that  do  presage. 



[act  V. 

Coming  from  Sardis,  on  our  former  ensign  80 
Two  mighty  eagles  fell;  and  there  they  perch'd, 
Gorging  and  feeding  from  our  soldiers*  hands; 
Who  to  Philippi  here  consorted  us : 
This  morning  are  they  fled  away  and  gone; 
And  in  their  steads  do  ravens,  crows,  and  kites, 
Fly  o'er  our  heads,  and  downward  look  on  us. 
As  we  were  sickly  prey :  their  shadows  seem 
A  canopy  most  fatal,  under  which 
Our  army  Hes,  ready  to  give  up  the  ghost. 
Messala,    Believe  not  so. 

Cassius,  I  but  believe  it  partly;  90 

For  I  am  fresh  of  spirit  and  resolved 
To  meet  all  perils  very  constantly. 

Brutus.    Even  so,  Lucilius. 

Cassius.  Now,  most  noble  Brutus, 

The  gods  to-day  stand  friendly,  that  we  may, 
Lovers  in  peace,  lead  on  our  days  to  age  1 
But  since  the  affairs  of  men  rest  still  incertain, 
Let's  reason  with  the  worst  that  may  befall. 
If  we  do  lose  this  battle,  then  is  this 
The  very  last  time  we  shall  speak  together : 
What  are  you,  then,  determined  to  do  ?  100 

Brutus.    Even  by  the  rule  of  that  philosophy 
By  which  I  did  blame  Cato  for  the  death 
Which  he  did  give  himself : — I  know  not  how, 
But  I  do  find  it  cowardly  and  vile, 
For  fear  of  what  might  fall,  so  to  prevent 
The  time  of  life : — arming  myself  with  patience 
To  stay  the  providence  of  some  high  powers 
That  govern  us  below. 

Cassius.  Then,  if  we  lose  this  battle, 

You  are  contented  to  be  led  in  triumph  109 

sc.  l] 


Thorough  the  streets  of  Rome  ? 

Brutus.   No,  Cassius,  no  :  think  not,  thou  noble  Roman, 
That  ever  Brutus  will  go  bound  to  Rome; 
He  bears  too  great  a  mind.    But  this  same  day 
Must  end  that  work  the  ides  of  March  begun; 
And  whether  we  shall  meet  again  I  know  not. 
Therefore  our  everlasting  farewell  take : 
For  ever,  and  for  ever,  farewell,  Cassius ! 
If  we  do  meet  again,  why,  we  shall  smile; 
If  not,  why,  then,  this  parting  was  well  made. 

Cassius.    For  ever,  and  for  ever,  farewell,  Brutus !  120 
If  we  do  meet  again,  we'll  smile  indeed ; 
If  not,  ^tis  true  this  parting  was  well  made. 

Brutus.  Why,  then,  lead  on. — O,  that  a  man  might  know 
The  end  of  this  day's  business  ere  it  come ! 
But  it  sufficeth  that  the  day  will  end, 
And  then  the  end  is  known. — Come,  ho!  away!  [Exeunt, 

Scene  II.    Tke  same.    The  field  of  battle. 

Alarums.    Enter  Brutus  and  Messala. 

Brutus.    Ride,  ride,  Messala,  ride,  and  give  these  bills 
Unto  the  legions  on  the  other  side : 
Let  them  set  on  at  once;  for  I  perceive 
But  cold  demeanour  in  Octavius'  wing, 
And  sudden  push  gives  them  the  overthrow. 
Ride,  ride,  Messala :  let  them  all  come  down.  \Exeunt, 




[act  V. 

Scene  III.    Another  part  of  the  field. 

Alarums.    Enter  Cassius  and  Titinius. 

Cassius.    O,  look,  Titinius,  look,  the  villains  fly  ' 
Myself  have  to  mine  own  turned  enemy : 
This  ensign  here  of  mine  was  turning  back ; 
I  slew  the  cov/ard,  and  did  take  it  from  him. 

Titinius.    O  Cassius,  Brutus  gave  the  word  too  early; 
Who,  having  some  advantage  on  Octavius, 
Took  it  too  eagerly :  his  soldiers  fell  to  spoil, 
Whilst  we  by  Antony  are  all  enclosed. 

Enter  Pindarus. 

Piitdariis.    Fly  further  off,  my  lord,  fly  further  off; 
Mark  Antony  is  in  your  tents,  my  lord:  lo 
Fly,  therefore,  noble  Cassius,  fly  far  off. 

Cassius.  This  hill  is  far  enough. — Look,  look,  Titinius; 
Are  those  my  tents  where  I  perceive  the  fire? 

Titinius.    They  are,  my  lord. 

Cassius.  Titinius,  if  thou  lov'st  me, 

Mount  thou  my  horse,  and  hide  thy  spurs  in  him, 
Till  he  have  brought  thee  up  to  yonder  troops, 
And  here  again;  that  I  may  rest  assured 
Whether  yond  troops  are  friend  or  enemy. 

Tit.    I  will  be  here  again,  even  with  a  thought.  {Exit 
Cassius.    Go,  Pindarus,  get  higher  on  that  hill;  20 
My  sight  was  ever  thick;  regard  Titinius, 
And  tell  me  what  thou  not'st  about  the  field. — 

[Pindarus  ascends  the  hill. 
This  day  T  breathed  first :  time  is  come  round, 
And  where  I  did  begin,  there  shall  I  end ; 
My  Hfe  is  run  his  compass. — Sirrah,  what  news? 

sc.  III.] 



Findarus,  \_Above\  O  my  lord ! 
Cassius,    What  news? 

Findarus.  [Adove]  Titinius  is  enclosed  round  about 
With  horsemen,  that  make  to  him  on  the  spur; — 
Yet  he  spurs  on. — Now  they  are  almost  on  him.  30 
Now,  Titinius  1 — Now  some  light :  O,  he  lights  too. 
He's  ta'en ;  [Skouf\  and,  hark !  they  shout  for  joy. 

Cassius,    Come  down,  behold  no  more. 
O,  coward  that  I  am,  to  live  so  long, 
To  see  my  best  friend  ta'en  before  my  face  ! 

PiNDARUS  descends. 

Come  hither,  sirrah : 
In  Parthia  did  I  take  thee  prisoner; 
And  then  I  swore  thee,  saving  of  thy  life, 
That  whatsoever  I  did  bid  thee  do, 

Thou  shouldst  attempt  it.    Come  now,  keep  thine  oath; 

Now  be  a  freeman;  and  with  this  good  sword,  41 

That  ran  through  Caesar's  bowels,  search  this  bosom. 

Stand  not  to  answer :  here,  take  thou  the  hilts ; 

And  when  my  face  is  cover'd,  as  'tis  now, 

Guide  thou  the  sword.     \Findarus  stabs  him?\  Caesar, 

thou  art  reveng'd, 
Even  with  the  sword  that  kill'd  thee.  \pies. 

Findarus,   So,  I  am  free;  yet  would  not  so  have  been. 
Durst  I  have  done  my  will.    O  Cassius ! 
Far  from  this  country  Pindarus  shall  run, 
Where  never  Roman  shall  take  note  of  him.     \_Exit,  50 

Re-enter  Titinius  with  Messala. 

Messala,    It  is  but  change,  Titinius ;  for  Octavius 
Is  overthrown  by  noble  Brutus'  power. 
As  Cassius'  legions  are  by  Antony. 

Titinius,    These  tidings  will  well  comfort  Cassius. 




[act  V. 

Messala.    Where  did  you  leave  him? 
Titinius.  All  disconsolate, 

With  Pindarus  his  bondman,  on  this  hill. 

Alessala,  Is  not  that  he  that  lies  upon  the  ground? 
Titinius.  He  lies  not  like  the  living.  O  my  heart ! 
Messala,    Is  not  that  he? 

Titinius.  No,  this  was  he,  Messala, 

But  Cassius  is  no  more. — O  setting  sun,  60 
As  in  thy  red  rays  thou  dost  sink  to  night, 
So  in  his  red  blood  Cassius'  day  is  set, — 
The  sun  of  Rome  is  set !    Our  day  is  gone ; 
Clouds,  dews,  and  dangers  come ;  our  deeds  are  done  ! 
Mistrust  of  my  success  hath  done  this  deed. 

Messala.   Mistrust  of  good  success  hath  done  this  deed. 
O  hateful  Error,  Melancholy's  child, 
Why  dost  thou  show  to  the  apt  thoughts  of  men 
The  things  that  are  not?    O  Error,  soon  conceiv'd, 
Thou  never  com'st  unto  a  happy  birth,  70 
But  kilFst  the  mother  that  engender'd  thee ! 

Titinius.    What,  Pindarus  !  where  art  thou,  Pindarus  ? 

Messala,    Seek  him,  Titinius,  whilst  I  go  to  meet 
The  noble  Brutus,  thrusting  this  report 
Into  his  ears  :  I  may  say,  thrusting  it ; 
For  piercing  steel  and  darts  envenomed 
Shall  be  as  welcome  to  the  ears  of  Brutus 
As  tidings  of  this  sight. 

Titinius,  Hie  you,  Messala, 

And  I  will  seek  for  Pindarus  the  while.     {Exit  Messala, 
Why  didst  thou  send  me  forth,  brave  Cassius?  80 
Did  I  not  meet  thy  friends?  and  did  not  they 
Put  on  my  brows  this  wreath  of  victory. 
And  bid  me  give  it  thee?   Didst  thou  not  hear  their  shouts? 
Alas,  thou  hast  misconstru'd  every  thing ! 

sc.  III.] 



But,  hold  thee,  take  this  garland  on  thy  brow; 
Thy  Brutus  bid  me  give  it  thee,  and  I 
Will  do  his  bidding. — Brutus,  come  apace, 
And  see  how  I  regarded  Caius  Cassius. — 
By  your  leave,  gods  : — this  is  a  Roman's  part ; 
Come,  Cassius'  sword,  and  find  Titinius'  heart.  90 

\Kills  himself. 

Alarums.    Re-enter  Messala,  with  Brutus,  young  Cato, 
Strato,  Volumnius,  and  Lucilius. 

Brutus,    Where,  where,  Messala,  doth  his  body  lie? 

Messala.    Lo,  yonder;  and  Titinius  mourning  it. 

Brutus.    Titinius'  face  is  upward. 

Cato.  He  is  slain. 

Brutus.    O  Julius  Caesar,  thou  art  mighty  yet  \ 
Thy  spirit  walks  abroad,  and  turns  our  swords 
In  our  own  proper  entrails.  \_Low  alarums. 

Cato.  Brave  Titinius ! 

Look,  whether  he  have  not  crown'd  dead  Cassius ! 

Brutus.    Are  yet  two  Romans  living  such  as  these? — 
The  last  of  all  the  Romans,  fare  thee  well ! 
It  is  impossible  that  ever  Rome  100 
Should  breed  thy  fellow. — Friends,  I  owe  moe  tears 
To  this  dead  man  than  you  shall  see  me  pay.— 
I  shall  find  time,  Cassius,  I  shall  find  time. — - 
Come,  therefore,  and  to  Thasos  send  his  body: 
His  funerals  shall  not  be  in  our  camp. 
Lest  it  discomfort  us. — LuciHus,  come; — 
And  come,  young  Cato;  let  us  to  the  field.— 
Labeo  and  Flavins,  set  our  battles  on  :— 
'Tis  three  o'clock;  and,  Romans,  yet  ere  night 
We  shall  try  fortune  in  a  second  fight.       \_Exeu7it,  no 



[act  V. 

Scene  IV.    Another  part  of  the  field. 

Alarums,    E?iter  fightings  Soldiers  of  both  armies;  theri - 
Brutus,  young  Cato,  Lucilius,  and  others. 

Brutus.    Yet,  countrymen,  O,  yet  hold  up  your  heads ! 

Cato.   What  bastard  doth  not?   Who  will  go  with  me? 
I  will  proclaim  my  name  about  the  field : — 
I  am  the  son  of  Marcus  Cato,  ho ! 
A  foe  to  tyrants,  and  my  country's  friend; 
I  am  the  son  of  Marcus  Cato,  ho!      [Charges  the  e7iemy. 

Brutus.    And  I  am^  Brutus.  Marcus  Brutus,  I ; 
Brutus,  my  countr}''s  friend ;  know  me  for  Brutus  ! 

\Exit^  charging  the  enemy.     Cato  is  over- 
powered, and  falls. 

LucilhLs.    O  young  and  noble  Cato,  art  thou  down? 
Why,  now  thou  diest  as  bravely  as  Titinius;  lo 
And  mayst  be  honoured,  being  Cato's  son. 

First  Sold.    Yield,  or  thou  diest. 

Lucilius.  Only  I  yield  to  die : 

There  is  so  much  that  thou  wilt  kill  me  straight; 

[Offering  ?noney. 
Kill  Brutus,  and  be  honour'd  in  his  death. 

First  Soldier.    We  must  not. — A  noble  prisoner  ! 

Sec.  Sold.    Room,  ho  !    Tell  Antony,  Brutus  is  ta'en. 

First  Sold.    I'll  tell  the  news  : — here  comes  the  general. 

Enter  Antony. 

Brutus  is  ta'en,  Brutus  is  ta'en,  my  lord. 
Antony.    Where  is  he  ? 

Lucilius.  Safe,  Antony ;  Brutus  is  safe  enough  :  20 
I  dare  assure  thee  that  no  enemy 

sc.  v.] 



Shall  ever  take  alive  the  noble  Brutus : 
The  gods  defend  him  from  so  great  a  shame  I 
When  you  do  find  him,  or  alive  or  dead, 
He  will  be  found  like  Brutus,  like  himself. 

Antony,    This  is  not  Brutus,  friend ;  but,  I  assure  you, 
A  prize  no  less  in  worth :  keep  this  man  safe. 
Give  him  all  kindness  :  I  had  rather  have 
Such  men  my  friends  than  enemies.    Go  on. 
And  see  whether  Brutus  be  alive  or  dead;  30 
And  bring  us  word  unto  Octavius'  tent 
How  every  thing  is  chanc'd.  \ Exeunt, 

Scene  V.    Another  part  of  the  field. 

Enter  Brutus,  Dardanius,  Clitus,  Strato, 
and  VoLUMNius. 

Brutus,   Come,  poor  remains  of  friends,  rest  on  this  rock. 

Clitus,  Statilius  show'd  the  torch-light;  but,  my  lord, 
He  came  not  back :  he  is  or  ta'en  or  slain. 

Brutus,  Sit  thee  down,  Clitus  :  slaying  is  the  word ; 
It  is  a  deed  in  fashion.    Hark  thee,  Clitus.    [  Whispers  him, 

Clitus,    What,  I,  my  lord?   No,  not  for  all  the  world. 

Brutus,    Peace,  then  !  no  words. 

Clitus.  I'll  rather  kill  myself. 

Brutus,    Hark  thee,  Dardanius.  [  Whispers  him, 

Dardanius,  Shall  I  do  such  a  deed? 

Clitus,    O  Dardanius ! 

Dardanius.    O  Clitus !  10 
Clitus.    What  ill  request  did  Brutus  make  to  thee? 
Dardanius,    To  kill  him,  Clitus.    Look,  he  meditates. 
Clitus.    Now  is  that  noble  vessel  full  of  grief, 
That  it  runs  over  even  at  his  eyes. 



[act  V. 

B ruins.    Come  hither,  good  Volumnius ;  list  a  word. 
Volumnius,    What  says  my  lord? 

Brutus.  Why,  this,  Vohimnius  : 

The  ghost  of  Caesar  hath  appeard  to  me 
Two  several  times  by  night ;  at  Sardis  once, 
And,  this  last  night,  here  in  Philippi  fields : 
I  know  my  hour  is  come. 

Volumnius.  Not  so,  my  lord.  20 

Brutus.    Nay,  I  am  sure  it  is,  Volumnius. 
Thou  seest  the  world,  Volumnius,  how  it  goes ; 
Our  enemies  have  beat  us  to  the  pit:        [Low  alarums. 
It  is  more  worthy  to  leap  in  ourselves, 
Than  tarry  till  they  push  us.    Good  Volumnius, 
Thou  know'st  that  we  two  went  to  school  together: 
Even  for  that  our  love  of  old,  I  prithee, 
Hold  thou  my  sword-hilts,  whilst  I  run  on  it. 

Volumnius.   That's  not  an  office  for  a  friend,  my  lord. 

[Alarmns  still. 

Clitus.  Fly,  fly,  my  lord ;  there  is  no  tarrying  here.  30 
Bru.  Farewell  to  you ; — and  you ; — and  you,  Volumnius. — 

Strato,  thou  hast  been  all  this  while  asleep; 

Farewell  to  thee  too,  Strato. — Countrymen, 

My  heart  doth  joy  that  yet  in  all  my  life 

I  found  no  man  but  he  was  true  to  me. 

I  shall  have  glory  by  this  losing  day. 

More  than  Octavius  and  Mark  Antony 

By  this  vile  conquest  shall  attain  unto. 

So,  fare  you  well  at  once;  for  Brutus'  tongue 

Hath  almost  ended  his  life's  history :  40 

Night  hangs  upon  mine  eyes ;  my  bones  would  rest, 

That  have  but  labour'd  to  attain  this  hour. 

[Alar inns.     Cry  ivithiii^  "  Fly,  fly,  fly  !  " 

sc.  v.] 



Clitus.    Fly,  my  lord,  fly. 

Brutus,  Hence  !  I  will  follow. 

\Exeunt  Clitus^  Dardanius,  and  Volwnnius. 
I  prithee,  Strato,  stay  thou  by  thy  lord : 
Thou  art  a  fellow  of  a  good  respect ; 
Thy  life  hath  had  some  smatch  of  honour  in  it : 
Hold,  then,  my  sword,  and  turn  away  thy  face, 
While  I  do  run  upon  it.    Wilt  thou,  Strato? 

Str.    Give  me  your  hand  first :  fare  you  well,  my  lord. 

Bru.  Farewell,  good  Strato. — Caesar,  now  be  still :  50 
I  kiird  not  thee  with  half  so  good  a  will. 

\He  runs  on  his  sword,  and  dies. 

Alarums,    Retreat,    Enter  Octavius,  Antony,  Messala, 
LuciLius,  and  Army. 

Octavius.    What  man  is  that? 

Mes,    My  master's  man. — Strato,  where  is  thy  master? 

Strato.    Free  from  the  bondage  you  are  in,  Messala : 
The  conquerors  can  but  make  a  fire  of  him; 
For  Brutus  only  overcame  himself. 
And  no  man  else  hath  honour  by  his  death. 

Lucil.  So  Brutus  should  be  found:  I  thank  thee,  Brutus, 
That  thou  hast  proved  Lucilius'  saying  true. 

Octavius.  All  that  serv'd  Brutus,  I  will  entertain  them. 
Fellow,  wilt  thou  bestow  thy  time  with  me?  61 

Strato,    Ay,  if  Messala  will  prefer  me  to  you. 

Octavius,    Do  so,  good  Messala. 

Messala,    How  died  my  master,  Strato? 

Strato.    I  held  the  sword,  and  he  did  run  on  it. 

Messala.    Octavius,  then  take  him  to  follow  thee. 
That  did  the  latest  service  to  my  master. 

Antony,    7'his  was  the  noblest  Roman  of  them  all : 



[ACT  V. 

All  the  conspirators,  save  only  he, 

Did  that  they  did  in  envy  of  great  Csesar;  70 

He  only,  in  a  general  honest  thought. 

And  common  good  to  all,  made  one  of  them. 

His  life  was  gentle,  and  the  elements 

So  mix'd  in  him,  that  Nature  might  stand  up 

And  say  to  all  the  world,  "  This  was  a  man  ! " 

Octavius,    According  to  his  virtue  let  us  use  him, 
With  all  respect  and  rites  of  burial. 
Within  my  tent  his  bones  to-night  shall  lie, 
Most  like  a  soldier,  order'd  honourably. — 
So,  call  the  field  to  rest:  and  let's  away,  80 
To  part  the  glories  of  this  happy  day.  [Exeunt, 


Abbreviation  :  G  =  Glossary, 

ACT  I. 
Scene  1. 

Details  from  Plutarch,  i.  Caesar's  triumph  over  Pompey's 
blood"  (56).  2.  The  action  of  the  Tribunes  in  "disrobing  the 
images"  of  Csesar  (69). 

Enter  FLA  VI US...  Citizens.  A  typical  commencement  of  Shake- 
speare's tragedies. 

Romeo  and  Juliet  opens  with  a  street-fight,  Julius  Ccesar  and 
Coriolanus  with  a  crowd  in  commotion  ;  and  when  this  excitement  has 
had  its  effect  on  the  audience,  there  follow  quiet  speeches,  in  which 
the  cause  of  the  excitement,  and  so  a  great  part  of  the  situation,  are 
disclosed"  (A.  C.  Bradley). 

The  value  of  this  Scene  is  twofold,  i.  It  indicates  the  feeling  of 
Rome  towards  Csesar:  among  the  official  classes  he  has  jealous  enemies, 
with  the  crowd  he  is  popular.  2.  It  illustrates  the  fickleness  of  the 
crowd,  a  point  of  which  so  much  is  made  on  the  occasion  of  Antony's 
great  speech  (iii.  2).  Also  the  reference  to  the  Lupercalia  (72)  fixes 
the  time  of  the  action  of  the  play  at  its  opening. 

Note  how  the  citizens  speak  in  prose,  the  Tribunes  in  verse.  Shakes- 
peare uses  prose  mainly  for  comic  or  colloquial  parts  (i.  2.  220,  note), 
and  for  the  speech  of  characters  of  inferior  social  position  (i.e.  in  scenes 
of  **low  life") ;  also  for  letters  (11.  3,  note). 

3.  mechanical^  of  the  working  classes;  cf.  North's  Plutarch^ 
"cobblers,  tapsters,  or  suchlike  base  mechanical  people"  (p.  113). 

ought  not  walk;  this  is  the  only  place  where  Shakespeare  omits 
to  after  ought",  contrast  ii.  i.  270.  There  is  one  instance  in  Milton— 
Paj-adise  Lost^  viii.  74,  75.  In  Middle  English  the  present  infinitive 
was  marked  by  the  inflection  en ;  when  this  inflection  became  obsolete, 
to  was  used  with  the  infinitive.  Certain  *  anomalous '  verbs,  however, 
on  the  analogy  of  auxiliary  verbs,  omitted  the  tOy  and  there  was 
much  irregularity  in  the  practice  of  Elizabethan  writers.    Cf.  the  two 



[act  I. 

constructions  with  dare  in  modern  English :  *  I  dare  say '  and  *  I  dare 
to  say.' 

4.  labotiring  day ;  labouring  is  a  gerund — not,  of  course,  a  parti- 
ciple— and  the  two  words  really  form  a  compound  noun,  labouring-day^ 
like  'walking-stick,'  'fishing-rod.'  The  merit  of  such  compounds  is 
their  brevity :  we  get  rid  of  the  preposition  (e.g.  '  a  day  for  labouring '). 

4,  5.  the  sign;  explained  by  line  7.  Though  it  is  a  working-day 
they  have  neither  their  tools  nor  their  working  clothes. 

5.  thou;  generally  used  by  a  master  to  a  servant  (cf.  v.  5.  33), 
and  often  a  mark  of  contempt — as  here. 

10,  II.    in  respect  of ^  regarded  as.   cobbler^  botcher,  unskilled  work- 
man ;  a  quibble  on  this  and  its  ordinary  meaning  *  mender  of  shoes.' 
1-2.    directly y  straightforwardly,  without  any  quibbling;  cf.  ill.  3.  10. 

15.  For  the  quibble  soh...souly  cf.  Merchant  of  Venice,  iv.  i.  123, 

"Not  on  thy  sole,  but  on  thy  soul,  harsh  Jew, 
Thou  makest  thy  knife  keen." 

16.  wicked,  good  for  nothing ;  see  G. 

t8.  be  not  out  with  me,  do  not  be  angry,  if  you  be  out ;  cf.  phrases 
like  'out  at  heels,'  *out  at  elbow.' 

19,  -20.  mend  you,,. mend  me.  We  have  the  same  quibble  in 
Tivelfth  Night,  i.  5.  50,  51. 

27.  but  withal,  at  the  same  time  (still  keeping  up  the  pun  on  'with 
awV),  The  tribune  has  asked  him  his  trade  \  he  says,  'I  cannot  call 
myself  a  tradesman  :  and  yet  I  am  a  cobbler.' 

28.  recover;  of  course  a  quibble  on  *  cause  to  recover  =  get  well 
again'  and  ' re-cover = re-sole.' 

-28 — 30.  Proverbial  phrases.  Cf.  The  Tempest,  ii.  1.  63,  "  As 
proper  a  man  as  ever  went  (=  walked)  on  four  legs,"  and  73,  '*he's  a 
present  for  any  emperor  that  ever  trod  on  neat's-leather"  (ox-hide). 
proper^  fine;  see  G.   gone,  walked,    handiwork;  see  G. 

36.  his  triumph;  Csesar's  second  triumph,  celebrated  in  September 
45  B.C.  for  the  victory  which  he  won  on  March  17th  of  that  year  at 
Munda  in  Spain  over  Pompey's  two  sons.  Shakespeare  dates  the 
triumph  six  months  later  (Feb.  44  B.C.)  to  give  the  play  a  more  effec- 
tive opening  and  illustrate  the  pre-eminent  position  of  Caesar. 

37.  conquest,  booty,  spoil.    Cf.  III.  2.  93,  94. 

38.  tributaries,  captives  paying  tribute  or  ransom. 

39.  To  grace... his  chariot-wheels ;  as  did  Vercingetorix  the  Gaul, 
who  was  kept  a  prisoner  for  six  years  (52 — 46 B.C.)  to  be  led  in  Caesar's 
first  triumph  and  then  put  to  death. 

sc.  I.] 



40.    senseless,  devoid  of  feeling. 

42.  many  a;  cf.  Germ,  manch  ein  ;  the  phrase  seems  to  be  formed 
on  the  analogy  of '  such      '  what  <2.' 

47.  great  Pompey ;  an  allusion  to  his  title  *  Pompeius  Magnus.' 
pass  the  streets,  i.e.  pass  through.    Cf.  the  description  of  Coriolanus's 

progress  through  the  streets  of  Rome  after  his  victory  over  Corioli  (11.  i. 
221 — 237).  A  similar  pageant  is  Bolingbroke's  state-entry  into  London 
{^Richard  II.  V.  2.  i — 40). 

48.  but,  just,  merely — *  the  moment  you  saw.' 

50.  that ;  Shakespeare  often  omits  so  before  that, 

Tiber., .her  banks ;  cf.  I.  2.  loi.  He  personifies  the  river,  and  so 
does  not  use  *the.'  In  Latin  Tiber,  like  the  names  of  most  rivers,  is 

51.  to  hear,  at  hearing;  a  gerund,  replication,  echo;  v\  Hamlet, 
IV.  2.  13  = 'reply,  repartee,'  like  F.  replique. 

54.    cull,  select ;  implying  extra  care  in  choosing.    F.  ciieillir, 

56.    that,  who;  the  antecedent  is  contained  in  ^^his  way"  (emphatic). 

Pompey^ s  blood,  i.e.  Pompey's  two  sons,  Cnseus  (killed  soon  after  the 
battle)  and  Sextus.  blood ;  'one  who  inherits  the  blood  of  another — a 
child ' ;  and  so  collectively  '  offspring,  progeny.' 

It  was  the  first  time  in  Roman  history  that  a  general  had  celebrated 
a  triumph  for  a  victory  over  Roman  citizens.  Plutarch  (Extract  1)  says 
that  Csesar's  triumph  'Mid  much  offend  the  Romans."  Shakespeare 
makes  the  Tribune  express  this  resentment. 

59.    intermit^  delay. 

62.  sort,  class;  cf.  "all  sorts  and  conditions  of  men." 

63.  Tiber  banks ;  this  quasi-adjectival  use  of  proper  names  is 
common  in  Shakespeare;  cf.  "  Philippi  fields,"  v.  5.  19.  It  generally 
occurs  before  a  noun  in  the  plural,  and  is  due  to  dislike  of  closely 
followed  by  j ;  for  a  similar  avoidance  oVs  before  s  see  in.  2.  70, 1  v.  3.  19. 

64.  lowest,  i.e.  deepest  below  the  level  of  the  banks  ('  shores  '}. 

65.  i.e.  reach  the  highest  water-mark. 

66.  whether;  scan  as  a,  monosyllable  whe'er,  basest  tnetal;  used 
in  allusion  to  the  phrase  '  base,  i.e.  impure,  metal ' ;  but  the  sense  here, 
as  in  I.  2.  313,  is  figurative  =  '  character.'    See  mettle  in  the  '  Glossary.' 

69.  disrobe,  strip,  i.e.  of  the  'scarfs'  mentioned  in  I.  2.  289. 
There  were  two  statues  of  Caesar  on  the  Rostra  in  the  Forum. 

70.  ceremonies,  festal  ornaments  ;  see  G.    Scan  ceremonies. 

72.  the  feast  of  Lupercal ;  i.e.  the  Lupercalia',  a  festival  of  purifica- 
tion for  the  walls  of  Rome,  held  on  February  15.    Its  celebrants,  the 



[ACT  1. 

Lziperci,  were  originally  divided  into  two  collegia,  each  under  a  viagister ; 
in  44  B.C.  a  third  collegium^  the  Juliani,  was  instituted  in  honour  of 
Julius  Caesar,  who  appointed  Antony  (see  the  next  Scene)  as  its  first 
magister.  A  great  feature  of  the  Lupercalia  was  the  course  "  (i.  2.  4) 
of  the  Luperci^  who  ran  round  the  city  wall,  bearing  leather  thongs, 
with  which  they  struck  the  crowd,  especially  women  (i.  2.  7 — 9). 
These  thongs,  cut  from  the  hides  of  the  victims  sacrificed,  were  called 
februa,  hence  the  ceremony  was  called  februatio,  and  gave  its  name  to 
the  month  February.  l^dX.  februarCy  *to  purify,  expiate.' 
74.    trophies,  tokens  of  victory,  i.e.  the  *  ceremonies'  (70). 

77.  These  feathers  pluck' the  plucking  of  these  feathers;  cf.  the 
Latin  idiom,  e.g.  occisus  CcBsar^  *the  death  of  Csesar.' 

78.  pitch;  a  term  in  falconry  for  the  height  to  which  a  hawk  soars; 
cf.  Richard  IL  I.  i.  109,  How  high  a  pitch  his  resolution  soars!" 
Shakespeare  uses  many  terms  drawn  from  falconry,  which  was  a 
favourite  pursuit  of  the  Elizabethans. 

79.  80.  Cf.  North's  Plutarch:  '*The  chiefest  cause  that  made  him 
[Csesar]  mortally  hated  was  the  covetous  desire  he  had  to  be  called  king: 
which  first  gave  the  people  just  cause,  and  next  his  secret  enemies 
honest  colour,  to  bear  him  ill-will "  (p.  94). 

Scene  2. 

Details  toased  on  Plutarch,  i.  The  account  of  the  Lupercalia. 
1.  The  warning  of  the  Soothsayer.  3.  The  interview  between  Cassius 
and  Brutus.  4.  Caesar's  description  of  that  spare  Cassius."  5.  Caesar's 
refusal  of  the  crown,  "swooning,"  and  '* plucking  ope  his  doublet." 
6.  The  *' writings"  to  incite  Brutus. 

Enter  Ccesar;  on  his  way  to  the  Forum,  where,  from  the  Rostra,  he 
witnessed  the  games"  (178)  oi  th.Q  Lupercalia,  in  which  he  would  take 
a  special  interest  that  year  (44  B.C.);  see  I.  i.  72,  note. 

Antony f  for  the  course^  i.e.  ready  for,  being  one  of  the  Luperci. 

I.  Calpurnia,  In  the  ist  Folio  spelt  Calphurnia,  which,  no 
doubt,  Shakespeare  wrote  because  the  name  is  so  spelt  in  North's 
Plutarch.  She  was  daughter  of  L.  Calpurnius  Piso.  Caesar  married 
her  (his  fourth  wife)  in  59  B.C.,  the  year  of  his  first  consulship. 

3 — 9.  Caesar's  orders  illustrate  what  Cassius  says  of  him  in  II.  I. 
195,  that  he  **is  superstitious  grown"  ;  cf.  again  ii.  2.  5,  6. 

7 — ^.  See  Extract  3  from  Plutarch.  Caesar  had  no  legitimate  son. 
touched;  the  word  in  North  is  *  stricken ' ;  perhaps  Shakespeare  used 

sc.  II.J 



touched  in  allusion  to  the  English  practice  of  'touching'  by  the  monarch 
for  the  'king's  evil.'    Cf.  Macbeth^  iv.  3.  146 — 1 56. 

8.  holy;  because  the  Lttpercalia  was  a  religious  festival.  North 
.  has  "this  holy  course." 

9.  sterile  mrse^  curse  of  sterility;  see  303  and  cf.  slanderous 
loads  "  =  ' loads  of  slander,'  iv.  i.  20.  In  such  phrases  (common  in 
Shakespeare)  the  adjective  defines  the  sphere  or  character  of  the  noun: 
thus  the  curse  consists  in  sterility,  the  load  is  one  of  slander.  In 
German  this  relation  is  expressed  by  a  compound  noun;  in  English 
such  compounds  (e.g.  'slander-load')  would  sound  awkward. 

12 — 24.  This  incident  strikes  the  note  of  mystery.  The  strange- 
ness of  this  unknown  voice  from  the  crowd  giving  its  strange  warning 
creates  an  impression  of  danger.  In  Plutarch  the  warning  is  more 
precise ;  here  the  vague  sense  of  undefined  peril  inspires  greater  awe. 

18.  In  the  Roman  calendar  the  Ides  fell  on  the  15th  day  of  four 
months — March,  May,  July,  October;  on  the  13th  in  the  other  months. 

19.  = two  syllables,  '  soothsayer.'    beware ;  s,C7m^ ware, 
sennet ;  a  set  of  notes  played  on  the  trumpet ;  see  G. 

Brutus  and  Cassius ;  for  their  interview,  see  Extract  4  from  Plutarch. 
Note  that  from  his  previous  thoughts  (cf.  39 — 41)  Brutus  is  in  the 
right  frame  of  mind  to  be  moved  by  Cassius's  appeal  and  by  the  offer 
of  the  crown  to  Caesar ;  just  as  Macbeth  is  by  the  Witch's  prophecy — 
"that  shalt  be  king  hereafter,"  Macbeth^  I.  3.  50. 

25.    go  see;  cf.  F.  aller  voir.       28.    gamesome^  fond  of  sports. 

29.  spirit;  a  monosyllable  (like  sprite)^  as  often ;  cf.  147 ;  rii.  2.  232. 

30.  hinder  your  desires^  i.e.  prevent  your  going  to  the  course. 

32 — 36.  The  real  cause  of  the  coolness  between  Brutus  and  Cassius 
is  mentioned  by  Plutarch,  viz.  that  they  had  been  rival  candidates  for 
the  office  of  Prcetor  Urbanus  (the  chief  praetorship)  in  44  B.C.,  which 
Caesar  gave  to  Brutus. 

33,  34.  that.,. as;  perhaps  a  combination  of  two  ideas — 'that 
which '  +  *  so  great  as  ' ;  cf.  1 74. 

35.    *  You  show  a  stiff  and  distant  manner  towards  your  friend.' 

The  metaphor  (cf.  317)  is  from  riding;  cf.  "to  bear  a  hard  rein"  in 
Leary  11 1.  i.  27,  i.e.  to  ride  with  a  tight  rein,  and  so  (figuratively)  to  be 
hard  upon. 

strange^  distant,  not  familiar  in  manner;  cf.  The  Comedy  of  Errors, 
II.  2.  112,  "  look  strange  and  frown." 

39.  merely y  ^Ti\Sx^y\  see  G.     am;  emphatic. 

40.  passions  of  some  difference^  conflicting  emotions,  i.e.  his  personal 
love  of  Csesar  and  his  patriotic  love  of  Rome:  feelings  which  it  is 



[ACT  I. 

impossible  to  reconcile — whence  one  great  element  of  the  tragedy  of  the 
part  which  Brutus  plays  in  the  drama.    He  is  *'  with  himself  at  war,"  46. 

41.  *  Thoughts  which  concern  me  alone.'   proper^  see  G. 

42.  soil^  blemish,  behaviours ;  perhaps  singular  in  sense  (cf.  ill.  1. 
161,  note) ;  or  the  plural  may  imply  *acts  of  behaviour. ' 

45.    Scan  ^rt^w^/r/^^  (' interpret ') ;  cf.  I.  3.  34. 

48 — 50.  Cassius  had  misinterpreted  Brutus's  conduct,  believing  him 
to  be  unfriendly,  and  had  kept  to  himself  thoughts  which  otherwise  he 
would  have  imparted  to  Brutus,    mistook^  see  G. 

49.    by  means  whereof.,  in  consequence  of  which. 

52,  53.  Cf.  Troilus  and  Cressida^  11.  3.  105,  106,  **nor  doth  the 
eye  itself... behold  itself." 

54.    ^Tis  justy  that  is  so. 

58.  see  your  shadoWy  see  the  reflected  image  of  yourself :  then 
Brutus  would  perceive  his  *  worthiness, '  now  '  hidden '  from  him. 
The  aim  of  Cassius  at  first  is  to  stir  jealousy  in  Brutus:  why  should 
Caesar  rule  alone?  is  not  Brutus  equally  'worthy'?  Cf.  131  and  140 — 147. 
Cassius  judges  Brutus  by  his  own  standard  and  misreads  his  character, 
in  which  jealousy  has  no  part. 

59.  where,  when,    respect,  estimation,  position. 

60.  Except  immortal  Ccesar;  said,  perhaps,  with  a  touch  of  sarcasm. 
62.    had  his  eyes;  implying  '  could  see  himself.' 

71.  jealous  on,  suspicious  about;  cf.  162. 

72.  a  common  laugher ,  a  general  jester — one  ready  to  crack  a  joke 
with  any  chance-comer.  The  ist  Folio  has  laughter,  and  the  sense 
might  be  *  one  at  whom  all  the  world  laughs.'  But  most  editors  adopt 
the  change. 

73.  stale,  render  stale  and  hackneyed;  cf.  iv.  i.  38.  Cassius  does 
not  vulgarise  his  love  by  commonplace  vows  of  friendship  to  every  fresh 
man  who  protests  friendship  to  him. 

76.  after,  afterwards,    scandal,  defame,  traduce. 

77.  profess  myself,  make  professions  of  affection. 

78.  dangerous;  echoing  the  words    into  what  dangers''''  (63). 

79.  80.  This  interruption  brings  them  to  the  point.  The  remark 
of  Brutus,  "  I  do  fear  '/  etc.,  (which  shows  what  subject  fills  his  thoughts) 
prompts  Cassius  to  speak  more  plainly,    shouting;  see  220 — 231. 

85.  the  general  good.  This  is  the  key-note  of  the  action  of  Brutus. 
He  is  influenced  by  "no  personal  cause  "  (11.  i.  11) :  what  he  believes 
to  be  the  common  good  to  all  "  is  his  sole  motive — as  Antony  himself 
allows  (v.  5.  72). 

sc.  II.] 



87.  indifferently^  impartially;  cf.  the  Prayer-Book^  ^*  that  they 
may  truly  and  indifferently  minister  justice."  Brutus  means  that  the 
sight  of  death  will  cause  him  no  more  alarm  than  the  sight  of  honour : 
he  says  both,  but  is  thinking  rather  of  death. 

91.  favour,  face,  looks;  see  G. 

95.  had  as  lief,  would  as  soon ;  lief  see  G.  There  may  be  a  word- 
play on  lief  sometimes  pronounced  lieve^  and  live. 

100.  Suetonius  says  that  Caesar  was  an  expert  swimmer.  His 
prowess  is  illustrated  by  the  following  story  in  Plutarch,  which  relates 
to  his  Egyptian  wars  in  48  B.C. :  "in  the  battle  by  sea,  that  was  fought 
by  the  tower  of  Phar  [at  Alexandria]... meaning  to  help  his  men,  he 
leapt  from  the  pier  into  a  boat.  Then  the  Egyptians  made  towards 
him  with  their  oars  on  every  side :  but  he,  leaping  into  the  sea,  with 
great  hazard  saved  himself  by  swimming.  It  is  said,  that  then,  holding 
divers  books  in  his  hand,  he  did  never  let  them  go,  but  kept  them 
always  upon  his  head  above  water,  and  swam  with  the  other  hand,  not- 
withstanding that  they  shot  marvellously  at  him,  and  was  driven  sometime 
to  duck  into  the  water"  (North's  Plutarch,  pp.  86,  87). 

10 r.  chafing  with,  fretting  against  (F.  chauffer).  River-pictures 
would  appeal  equally  to  a  Roman  and  a  Londoner. 

104,  105.    upon^  i.e.  immediately  on.    Accoutred,  fully  dressed. 

108.  lusty,  strong,  vigorous.    "Lusty  and  strong,"  Ps.  Ixxiii.  4. 

109.  stenimhtg,  breasting  the  current.  Cf.  Milton's  picture  {Para- 
dise Lost,  II.  641,  642)  of  the  ships  that 

**  Through  the  wide  Ethiopian  to  the  Cape 
Ply  stemming  nightly." 
hearts  of  cont7'oversy,  spirits  resolute  in  resistance  to  the  river's  force. 

110.  arrive,  arrive  at,  reach;  see  G. 

112 — 115.  Cf.  2  Henry  VI.  V.  2.  62,  63,  where  young  Clifford, 
taking  up  the  body  of  his  dead  father,  says  : 

**As  did  iEneas  old  Anchises  bear. 
So  bear  I  thee  upon  my  manly  shoulders." 
The  story  of  ^Eneas  rescuing  Anchises  when  Troy  was  sacked  and 
burnt  by  the  Greeks  is  told  by  Vergil  in  u!^neid  II.    The  Fall  of  Troy 
was  the  most  popular  of  classical  stories  in  mediaeval  times. 

ancestor;  according  to  legend,  Rea  Silvia,  the  mother  of  Romulus, 
was  descended  from  Silvius,  the  son  of  -^neas  and  Lavinia.  This 
tradition  of  the  Trojan  origin  of  Rome  plays  a  great  part  in  the  ^neid. 
115.    /;  repeated  for  clearness,  **I"  in  112  being  so  far  from  "did." 
1 1 8.    nod  on;  implying  more  condescension  than  'nod  at  J* 




[act  I. 

122.  did  from  their  colour  Jiy,  i.e.  lost  their  colour;  said  perhaps 
with  a  quibble  on  the  idea  of  a  soldier  flying  from  his  '  colours '  =  flag. 

123,  124.  Suetonius  says  that  Caesar's  eyes  were  black  and  lively 
{nigri  vegetique  oculi),    dend^  look,    his  lustre;  for /^/j'  =  its,  see  G. 

125,1 26.  Shakespeare  may  have  known  the  remark  which  Suetonius 
{jcap,  77)  attributes  to  Caesar — *that  men  should  take  heed  when  they 
spoke  with  him  and  should  regard  what  he  said  as  laws '  [debere  homines 
consideratius  loqui  secum  ac  pro  legibus  habere  quce  dicat), 

127.    Titinius,  see  I  v.  2  ;  v.  3. 

129.  te?nper^  constitution;  cf.  the  reference  in  256  to  the  'falling 
sickness '  to  which  Caesar  was  subject  in  his  later  years. 

130,  131.  The  metaphor  of  a  race,  alone;  emphatic;  Cassius 
attempts  to  rouse  in  Brutus  jealousy  of  Caesar;  see  58,  note. 

136.  Colossus;  a  gigantic  statue  (Gk.  /coXoo-tros) ;  especially  the 
statue  of  Apollo,  about  90  feet  high,  at  Rhodes  (a  town  then  familiar  to 
the  Romans  for  its  famous  school  of  rhetoric — Caesar  and  Cicero  both 
studied  there).  According  to  the  old  tradition  (to  which  Shakespeare 
may  refer),  this  statue  stood  astride  over  the  entrance  of  one  of  the 
harbours  of  Rhodes,  and  was  so  huge  that  ships  could  sail  between  its 
legs.  Cf.  again  i  Henry  IV.  v.  i.  121 — 123: 
Fa  I  staff,  Hal,  if  thou  see  me  down  in  the  battle  and  bestride  mQ.., 
Prince,     Nothing  but  a  colossus  can  do  thee  that  friendship." 

140.  hi  our  stars,  in  our  fortunes,  luck.  It  was  then  a  popular 
belief  that  the  characters,  bodies  and  fortunes  of  men  were  influenced 
by  the  star  under  which  they  were  born.  In  Lear,  I.  2.  128 — 144 
Shakespeare  makes  Edmund  ridicule  these  astrological  notions,  and 
doubtless  he  himself  did  not  believe  in  them,  though  they  are  often 
referred  to  in  his  plays — e.g.  in  Twelfth  Night,  ii.  5.  183,  "I  thank 
my  stars,  I  am  happy."  Cf.  ''•^-starred''  and  '  ^\^- aster'  (Lat.  astrum^ 
*a  star').  These  lines  (139 — 141)  express  *' the  conception  on  which 
the  whole  Shakespearian  drama  is  founded,"  viz.  that  so-called  "  Fate  " 
is  a  man's  own  character. 

141.  underlings,  inferiors;  see  G. 

142.  what  should ;  the  past  tense  gives  remoteness  to  the  question 
and  expresses  doubt  and  perplexity  :  *  what  could  there  be  ? ' 

143.  The  Germ.  Kaiser,  *  emperor,'  and  Russian  Czar  are  both 
derived  from  Ccesar,    souitded,  uttered. 

146,  147.  Shakespeare  always  uses  the  noun  conjurer  =  ^  owt  who 
raises  (cf.  "starts*')  or  lays  spirits.'    See  ii.  i.  323,  324. 

spirit;  a  monosyllable,  like  sprite,  as  often;  cf.  ill.  2.  232. 

sc.  II.] 



149.  meat^  food,    this  our;  a  contemptuous  turn  of  phrase. 

150.  Age,  i.e.  the  present  age,  the  times. 

152.  flood;  referring  either  to  the  story  of  Deucahon  and  Pyrrha 
(cf.  that  of  Noah),  or — less  likely — to  an  overflow  of  the  Tiber. 

155.  walls;  so  Rowe  corrected  the  Folio  reading  walkes. 

156.  Rojne ;  pronounced  like  room\  cf.  Lucrece,  715,  1644,  where 
it  rhymes  with  doom  and  groom  respectively.  We  have  the  same  pun, 
made  in  a  feeling  of  similar  bitterness,  in  King  John,  iii.  i.  180: 

"  O,  lawful  let  it  be 
That  I  room  with  Rome  to  curse  awhile  ! " 
Shakespeare  makes  his  characters  jest  thus  in  moments  of  great 
emotion — especially  bitterness — as  a  relief  to  the  feelings.  The  dying 
Gaunt,  angry  with  Richard,  puns  on  his  own  name  (' '  Old  Gaunt  in- 
deed, and  gaunt  in  being  old"),  Richard  II,  11.  i.  73 — 83,  just  as  in 
the  Ajax  of  Sophocles  the  miserable  Ajax  puns  on  At  as  and  ald^eiv,  *  to 
cry  alas!'    See  again  257,  258,  and  iii.  i.  204 — 208. 

159.  Cassius  now  appeals  to  another  motive — the  traditional  devo- 
tion of  Brutus's  family  to  the  cause  of  liberty. 

a  Brutus ;  L.  Junius  Brutus,  who  expelled  Tarquinius  Superbus,  its 
last  king,  from  Rome,  B.C.  510. 

160,  i6i.  eternal  devil ;  cf.  Othello,  IV.  2.  130,  "some  eternal  villain." 
Schmidt  explains  eternal  in  these  two  places  as  **used  to  express  extreme 
abhorrence,"  and  the  word  is  said  to  bear  the  sense  'infernal,  damned' 
in  the  dialect  of  the  eastern  counties.  Perhaps  it  was  meant  to  have  a 
kind  of  intensive  force,  from  ^/^r;/a/= '  everlasting,  unchanging':  an 
"eternal  villain"  being  one  whose  villany  never  varied — 'an  utter  villain.' 

state;  *  pomp' or 'court.'   /^m^;  designedly  put  as  a  climax. 

162.  nothing;  adverbial;  'not  at  all.'  jealous,  ^Q\}\i\.iv\\  see  71. 

163.  work^  induce.    I  have  some  aim,  I  guess  partly,    aim,  see  G. 

1 64.  /  have  thought  of  th is  ;  cf.  3 9 — 4 1 . 

166.    so.., I  might,  if  it  be  so  that  I  might;  cf.  ill.  i.  140. 

171.  chew  upon;  we  have  the  same  metaphor  in  'ruminate  on'=: 
Lat.  ruminare,  *to  chew  the  cud,'  then  figuratively,  *to  ponder  over.' 

172,  173.  For  the  construction  cf.  Psahn  Ixxxiv.  10,  "I  had 
rather  be  a  doorkeeper  in  the  house  of  my  God,  than  to  dwell  in  the 
tents  of  wickedness."  See  iv.  3.  72,  73.  The  to  is  omitted  with  the 
first  infinitive,  be,  but  inserted  with  the  other,  dwell. 

174.    these... as;  see  33,  34,  note. 

176,  177.  The  metaphor  of  striking  sparks  from  a  flint.  Cassius 
shows  fine  tact  in  not  pressing  the  matter  further. 

179.    Casca;  one  of  the  Tribunes  of  the  Plebs  in  44  e.c» 




[act  I. 

the  sleeve,  the  loose  fold  of  the  toga. 

1 80.  sour ;  the  epithet  accords  with  the  later  description  of  him — 
**the  eitvioiis  Casca"  (ill.  2.  179). 

181.  proceeded^  taken  place,  worthy;  of  is  often  omitted  with 
words  implying  'value,'  'worth.' 

186.  with  fe7'ret  eyes.  There  does  not  appear  to  be  any  classical 
authority  for  this  description  of  Cicero  ;  possibly  it  was  suggested  to 
Shakespeare  by  some  bust  or  picture  of  the  great  orator.  A  ferret 
has  small  red  eyes.  Redness  of  eye  indicates  an  angry  ("fiery*') 
temperament;  cf.  "with  eyes  like  carbuncles"  in  the  Player's  speech, 
Hamlet^  II.  2.  485.    So  in  Corzolamis,  v.  i.  63,  64. 

192 — 195.    Suggested  by  Plutarch.    See  Extract  5. 

196,  197.  Antony  has  misread  the  character  of  Cassius,  whereas 
Cassius  (as  we  shall  see)  has  judged  Antony  aright. 

given^  disposed;  cf.  North's  Plutarch,  "Cassius... was  Brutus'  familiar 
friend,  but  not  so  well  given  and  conditioned  as  he." 

198 — 201.    Intentional  'irony.' 

199.  my  name=^l^ ;  cf.  "the  dreaded  name  of  Demogorgon"  = 
Demogorgon  himself.  Paradise  Lost,  ii.  964,  965.  We  have  the  same 
idiom  in  Latin. 

204.  As  thou  dost,  Antony;  see  ii.  i.  188,  189.  Plutarch  says  of 
Antony:  "In  his  house  they  did  nothing  but  feast,  dance,  and  mask: 
and  himself  passed  away  the  time  in  hearing  of  foolish  plays  "  (North, 
p.  161).    Hence  Shakespeare  calls  him  "a  masker,'''^  v.  i.  62. 

he  hears  no  ?7iusic;  cf.  The  Merchant  of  Venice,  V.  i.  83 — 88; 
"The  man  that  hath  no  music  in  himself. 
Nor  is  not  moved  with  concord  of  sweet  sounds, 
Is  fit  for  treasons,  stratagems  and  spoils  ; 
Let  no  such  man  be  trusted." 
We  may  safely  credit  Shakespeare  himself  with  a  love  of  music, 
technical  terms  of  which  he  uses  often  and  accurately. 

205.  seldom  he  s?niles ;  the  inverted  order  is  meant  to  give  variety 
by  breaking  the  form  of  the  sentence. 

208,  209.  We  have  just  seen  the  truth  of  this  as  applied  to  Cassius. 
Observe  how  Caesar's  estimate  of  him  is  illustrated  in  the  play. 

210.  Antony  had  rejected  the  idea  of  Cassius  being  "dangerous." 
Caesar  repeats  what  he  said  above — "such  men  are  very  dangerous." 

217.    sad,  serious,  grave;  see  G. 

220.  As  to  Csesar's  refusal  of  the  crown,  see  Extract  6  from  Plutarch. 
Note  that  Casca  uses  prose,  his  account  being  colloquial  in  style. 

sc.  II.] 



221.   put  it  by,  rejected  it;  cf.  a  stage-direction  in  Milton's  Cojnus^ 
*'he  offers  his  glass,  which  she  puts  by,"  i.e.  refuses  to  take. 
229.    marry y  see  G. 

231.   gentler  than  other the  other,  the  last,  time. 

238.  one  of  these  coronets.  It  was  a  laurel  crown,  encircled  with  a 
fillet  or  band  of  -white  material  (that  being  a  symbol  of  royalty).  So  we 
learn  from  Plutarch  and  Suetonius  (whose  words  are  coronam  lauream 
Candida  fascia  prceligatam), 

245.  rahhlement,  mob.  shouted;  the  Folio  has  howted;  some 
editors  read  hooted. 

246.  chopped—  *chapt';  it  is  only  a  difference  of  spelling. 
254.    the  market-place y  the  Forum ;  so  in  i.  3.  27,  ill.  i.  108  etc. 
256.    Cf.  North's  Plutarch,  "He  [Csesar]  was  often  subject  to 

headache,  and  otherwhile  to  the  falling  sickness,  the  which  took  him 
the  first  time,  as  it  is  reported,  in  Corduba,  a  city  of  Spain" — p.  57. 
Falling  sickness  ;  the  common  name  for  epilepsy,  which  causes  people 
to  fall  down  in  fits.     See  Extract  7  from  Plutarch. 

^57i  258'  Cassius  of  course,  means  that  they  have  all  fallen  under 
the  sway  of  Caesar  :  a  bitter  jest  which  illustrates  156  (note). 

260.  tag-rag  people,  rabble  ;  literally  tag-rag  =  tag  and  rag,  *  every 
end  (e.g.  of  cloth)  and  scrap ' ;  cf.  *  odds  and  ends.' 

263.  true  man,  honest  man ;  a  proverbial  phrase,  the  opposite  of 
'thief;  cf.  Much  Ado  About  Nothing,  iii.  3.  54,  *'If  you  meet  a  thief, 
you  may  suspect  him  to  be  no  true  man^'  (Dogberry's  remark). 

267.    He  plucked  me  ope  his  doublet.  See  Extracts  6,  7  from  Plutarch. 

plucked  me;  the  pronoun  is  an  ethic  dative  =* look  you*;  in  a 
passage  of  narrative  it  calls  the  listener's  attention  to  some  detail  or 
incident;  cf.  The  Two  Gentlemen  of  Verona,  iv.  4.  8 — 10:  "I  came 
no  sooner  into  the  dining-chamber  but  he  steps  me  to  her  trencher  and 
steals  her  capon's  leg. " 

doublet,  the  ordinary  jacket  worn  by  Elizabethans.  The  mention 
of  it  is  an  instance  of  Elizabethan  colouring.    See  p.  xxxi. 

269.  occupation,  trade ;  contemptuous.  *  One  of  the  mob.'  In  Eliza- 
bethan E.  f?^*:?//^/?^?;^  generally  implies  manual  labour,  *  working  classes.' 

270.  at  a  word,  at  his  word;  an  unusual  sense,  but  necessary. 
Commonly  =  '  in  a  word  ' ;  cf.  Much  Ado  About  Nothing,  11.  i.  117. 

273,  274.    to  think  it  was  his  infirmity,  to  attribute  it  to  his  malady. 

281.  Cassius  wants  to  know  Cicero's  feelings  toward  Csesar:  we 
may  judge  why  from  11.  i.  141,  142. 

282.  he  spoke  Greek,    Cicero  had  studied  at  Athens  and  Rhodes, 



[ACT  I. 

and  was  very  fond  of  Greek  and  Greek  literature ;  so  that  as  a  young 
man  his  opponents  sneered  at  him  for  being  **a  Greek,  a  scholastic." 
Plutarch  mentions  this  in  his  Life  of  Cicero,  which  Shakespeare,  no 
doubt,  read  in  North.  To  make  Cicero  "speak  Greek"  on  such  an 
occasion  is  a  happy  piece  of  characterisation,  showing  his  somewhat 
"scholastic"  or  pedantic  ways  and  lack  of  shrewd,  practical  sense. 

287.  Greek  to  me ;  now  a  proverbial  phrase  for  anything  unin- 
telligible.   Casca  did  know  Greek;  see  Extract  23  from  Plutarch. 

289.  pulling  scarfs  off,  i.e.  **  disrobing  the  images"  (i.  i.  69). 
scarfs;  alluding  to  the  white  fillets  with  which  the  'diadems'  (as 

Plutarch  calls  them)  were  fastened  round.  Plutarch  says  that  the  crown 
which  Antony  offered  to  Caesar  was  among  the  'diadems'  placed  on 
Caesar's  statues,  and  we  saw  (238,  note)  that  it  had  a  white  fillet  (fascia) 
wreathed  about  it. 

290.  put  to  silence  ;  he  deprived  the  Tribunes  of  their  office. 
293.  p7'omised forth,  i.e.  already  engaged  to  sup  from  home. 

299,  300.  blunt;  implies  'dull,  stupid.'  Note  how  Brutus  mis- 
judges Casca,  just  as  he  misjudges  Antony  (ii.  i.  185— -189),  and  how  in 
each  case  the  judgment  of  Cassius  proves  correct.  Brutus  is  a  student 
of  books,  not  of  men.    quick  mettle  ;  *  full  of  spirit.'    mettle,  so.^  G. 

301.  So  is  he  now;  hence  Cassius  invites  Casca  to  join  them 
(Scene  3).    Casca  is  the  first  to  stab  Caesar  (ill.  i.  76). 

301.  execution;  scan  -ion  as  one  foot  i-dn^  letting  a  weak  stress  fall 
on  the  last  syllable.  In  Shak.  and  in  Milton's  early  poems  the  termi- 
nation 'ioHy  especially  with  words  ending  in  ctioHy  such  as  *  peifectionf ' 
*  nffectiony^  * disireiction,'  is  often  treated  as  two  syllables,  especially  at 
the  end  of  a  line.  In  Middle  English  poetry  the  termination  -ion  was 
always  treated  as  two  syllables.   See  I.  3.  13;  ii.  i.  113,  145;  11.  3.  14. 

303.    tardy  form,  appearance  of  slowness  ;  see  9,  note. 

311.  think  of  the  world;  i.e.  what  you  owe  to  the  world  (Rome) 
and  what  it  expects  of  you  (cf.  58 — 62).  This  appeal  to  duty  is  the 
strongest  that  could  be  addressed  to  a  man  like  Brutus.  From  the 
importance  of  the  part  he  plays  Jtilius  Ccesar  has  been  called  "  the 
Tragedy  of  public  Duty." 

314.  F7'om  that  it  is  disposed—  *  from  that  to  which  it  is.' 

315.  Cf.  Hamlet,  I.  2.  188,  "  I  shall  not  look  upon  his  like  again." 

316.  that ;  the  relative  pronoun,  not  the  conjunction. 

317.  bear  hard ;  bear  ill  will  against ;  cf.  il.  i.  215. 

318.  319.  The  sense,  I  think,  is — 'If  I  were  Brutus  and  he 
were   Cassius,   he  should  not  influence  me  as  I  have  been  in- 

sc.  II.] 



fluencing  him.'  Cassius  sees  that  his  words  have  had  some  effect  in 
stirring  Brutus  against  Caesar  :  he  knows  that  Caesar  is  the  friend  of 
Brutus;  and  he  wonders  that  Brutus  should  suffer  himself  to  be  in- 
fluenced against  his  friend.  Cassius  regards  things  from  a  personal 
standpoint:  personal  friendship  or  enmity  is  sufficient  motive  with  him; 
whereas  Brutus  would  not  allow  personal  feelings  either  for  or  against 
Caesar  to  affect  him,  if  he  thought  that  the  good  of  Rome  required  of 
him  some  service. 

Some  editors  take  He  in  319  to  refer  to  Caesar,  with  the  sense — 
*  Caisar  loves  Brutus,  but  if  Brutus  and  I  were  to  change  places,  his 
(Caesar's)  love  should  not  humour  me,  should  not  take  hold  of  my 
affection,  so  as  to  make  me  forget  my  principles  '^—Johnson.  This 
interpretation  implies  that  Caesar  humours  Brutus  in  such  a  way  as  to 
make  him  neglect  his  duty  to  his  country.  But  the  whole  drift  of  the 
play  is  opposed  to  such  a  conception  of  the  character  of  Brutus :  he  is 
the  last  man  in  the  world  *  to  forget  principles ' — as  Cassius  knew. 

319 — 323.  This  trick  of  deceiving  Brutus  illustrates  well  the  vast 
difference  between  the  two  men,  and  the  inferiority  of  Cassius. 

320.    In  several  hands^  in  different  handwritings. 

322.  writings,  i.e.  the  *' bills"  mentioned  by  Plutarch,  who,  how- 
ever, speaks  of  them  as  being  placed  in  the  Praetor's  chair  (Brutus  was 
Pi'cetor  Urbanus)  or  on  the  statue  of  his  ancestor,  Junius  Brutus.  See 
Extracts  9,  10.    all  tendings  all  pointing  to  ;  cf.  ill.  2.  63. 

323.  Rome;  see  li.  i.  46 — 58.    obscttrely,  indirectly;  in  hints. 
325.    seat  him;  the  reflexive  use  of  hiiii,  her,  me,  them  tic.  =  himself, 

herself  etc.  is  common  in  Elizabethan  writers;  cf.  I.  3.  47,  156. 

325,  326.  A  rhymed  couplet  at  the  close  gives  a  sense  of  fmish  to  a 
long  scene,  and  rounds  it  off  effectively.  Cf.  the  last  lines  of  the  play. 
After  Shakespeare  abandoned  the  ordinary  use  of  rhyme,  he  still  clung 
to  these  couplets,  perhaps  because,  apart  from  the  pleasure  of  their 
sound,  they  served  to  let  the  audience  know  that  the  scene  was  over. 
In  an  Elizabethan  playhouse  there  was  not  any  curtain  to  fall. 

Scene  3. 

Details  suggested  by  Plutarcli.  i.  The  omens.  2.  The**  bills" 
placed  "in  the  Praetor's  chair"  and  elsewhere  to  rouse  Brutus  to  action. 

I — 78.  See  Extract  8  from  Plutarch.  Shakespeare  makes  the  storm 
a  setting  for  the  conspiracy;  the  convulsion  in  the  physical  world  is 
harmonised  with  that  in  the  moral ;  cf.  the  storm  in  Lear^  iii.  2. 



[act  I. 

I.    brought^  accompanied. 

3.  sway,  equilibrium,  balance;  or  perhaps  'government,  settled 
order,'  from  sway,  'rule.' 

4.  The  compound  ^^unfLrm"  conveys  the  literal  sense  'not  firm,' 
whereas  "  mfirm  "  (which  Shakespeare  also  uses)  implies  '  weak'  in  th^ 
figurative  sense. 

5.  scolding;  cf.  *  chide'  used  of  loud  sound,  e.g.  in  As  You  Like 
It,  II.  I.  7,  "And  churlish  chiding  oi  the  winter's  wind.^^ 

6.  riv'd,  cleft;  see  G. 

13.  incenses,  provokes,  destruction ;  scan  the  termination  -ion  as 
one  foot ;  see  I.  2.  301,  note. 

14.  more  woiiderful^  i.e.  than  usual ;  '  anything  so  very  wonderful.' 
18.    not  sensible  of,  not  feeling.    Milton  in  Paradise  Lost,  11.  278, 

uses  "  the  sensible  of  pain  "  = '  the  sense '  (an  adjective  for  a  noun). 

20.  Against,  over  against,  near,    a  lion ;  see  75. 

21.  glai^d ;  in  the  Folios  glaz'd ;  perhaps  the  printer  mixed  up 
gazed  and  glared.    Most  editors  adopt  the  correction. 

22.  23.    annoying,  molesting;  cf.  ii.  i.  160  and  see  G. 
drawn  upon  a  heap,  crowded  all  together. 

26.  the  bird  of  night,  the  owl,  whose  cry  was  proverbially  an  evil 
omen;  cf.  Lucrece,  165,  "owls'  death-boding  cries."  Lady  Macbeth 
heard  the  owl  "shriek"  and  "scream  "  (ii.  2.  3,  16)  while  Macbeth  was 
murdering  Duncan.  Roughly,  the  brown  owl ' '  hoots, "  and  the  white  owl 
"screeches" ;  but  "  the  white  owl  will  also  'hoot '  at  times. "  Shakespeare 
was  country -bred. 

31,  32.  portentous  things  unto,  i.e.  things  ominous  to;  for  the 
inverted  order  of  the  words,  cf.  43.    climate,  land ;  see  G. 

34.  Scan  construe,    after  their  fashion,  in  their  own  personal  way. 

35.  clean  from,  quite  differently  from,    clean,  see  G. 

42.  We  should  note  how  the  storm  reveals  the  true  Casca,  showing 
that  a  nature  capable  of  strong  emotions  and  a  "quick  mettle"  (i.  2.  300) 
underlie  that  **  bluntness  "  which  deceived  Brutus;  and  how  the  shrewd 
Cassius  sees  that  Casca's  excitement  makes  it  a  favourable  moment  for 
'  sounding '  him  as  to  the  conspiracy. 

47.  Subfnitting,  exposing  myself  to.   perilous  ;  scan  like  parlous. 

48.  unbraced,  with  dress  ungirt ;  see  II.  i.  262. 

49.  thunder- St  one,  thunder-bolt ;  called  brontia  by  the  Romans. 
Cf.  Cymbeline,  iv.  2.  270,  271,  "Fear  no  more  the  lightning-flash,  Nor 
the  all -dreaded  thunder-stone." 

50.  cross,  darting  zig-zag,  forked  lightning ;  cf.  Lear,  iv.  7.  35. 

sc.  III.] 



54.    the  part  of^  the  duty  of — *  men  ought.* 

57 — 59-  Really  he  knows  the  character  of  Casca  (cf.  i.  2.  301),  but 
here  it  suits  his  purpose  to  dissemble. 

58.    a  Roftian  ;  cf.  Casca's  words,  41. 

60.  cast  yourself  in  wonder  ^  i.e.  into:  an  expression  like  'he  threw 
himself  into  a  passion.'  Some  editors  read  <:fl>r^=  *  encase,  clothe  your- 
self in';  cf.  Much  Ado  About  Nothings  IV.  i.  146,  ''attired  in  wonder." 
It  would  suit  the  metaphor  in    put  on  fear." 

61.  To  see;  cf.  I.  i.  51,  note. 

63,  64.    Understand  verbs,  e.g.  'there  are'  in  63  and  'act'  in  64. 
from  quality  and  kind^  contrary  to  their  natural  character.  For 
y^'f?^  =  ' differently  from'  cf.  35  and  ii.  i.  196. 

65.  '  Why  old  men  act  like  fools  and  children  show  prudent  fore- 
sight.' The  ist  Folio  has  "Old  men,  Fooles,  and  Children."  Some 
connection  seems  necessary  ;  I  have  followed  the  *  Globe '  edition.  For 
fool,  cf.  Richard  II,  V.  5.  60,  "while  I  stand  fooling  here." 

66.  their  ordinance,  that  which  they  were  ordained  to  be. 

71.  unto,  pointing  to;  almost  =' of.'  monstrous  state,  an  unnatural, 
extraordinary  state  of  things. 

75.  Craik  explains — "roars  in  the  Capitol  as  doth  the  lion."  But 
surely  the  rhythm  shows  that  "in  the  Capitol"  qualifies  "lion";  cf. 
also  line  20.  It  has  been  suggested  that  Shakespeare  may  have 
supposed  (of  course  wrongly)  that  lions  were  kept  in  the  Capitol  as  they 
were  in  the  Tower  of  London. 

76.  than., .me,  A  common  Elizabethan  use  of  than  as  prep., 
especially  with  the  relative;  cf.  Milton's  "  Beelzebub...  than  whom" 
{P.  L.  II,  299),  and  his  Sonnet  to  Vane.    So  used  colloquially  now. 

77.  prodigious  grown,  become  portentous. 

81.  thews,  muscles  and  sinews,  i.e.  *  bodily  strength.' 

82.  tvoe  the  while!  alas  for  our  times  !    while,  see  G. 

84.  yoke,  servile  state,  sufferance,  sufferings;  cf.  it.  i.  115.  It 
also  has  the  sense  'endurance,  toleration  of,'  as  perhaps  in  Shylock's 
words,  ' '  For  sufferance  is  the  badge  of  all  our  tribe  "  ( The  Merchant  of 
Venice,  i.  3.  iii). 

85 — 88.  Caesar  was  on  the  point  of  starting  for  his  campaign 
against  the  Parthians,  whose  defeat  of  Crassus,  B.C.  53,  had  never  been 
avenged.  According  to  Plutarch,  it  was  alleged  that  the  Sibylline  Books 
contained  a  prophecy  that  the  Parthians  would  only  be  conquered  by  a 
king;  hence  the  proposal,  which  the  Senate  was  ready  to  accept,  that 
Caesar  should  assume  royal  authority  outside  the  boundaries  of  Italy. 



[ACT  I. 

87.    shall  weary  i.e.  is  to. 

91.  therein,  i.e.  in  man's  power  to  take  away  bis  own  life,  Hamlet 
says  (t.  2.  137,  132)  of  suicide: 

**0  that  the  Everlasting  had  not  fix'd 
His  canon  [i.e.  law]  'gainst  self-slaughter  1  '* 
95.    Can  be  retentive  to,  can  confine. 

97.  dismiss,  free. 

98.  If  I  know;  implying  *as  surely  as  I  know.' 

lor,  102.  There  is  probably  a  quibbling  allusion  to  the  phrase  'to 
cancel  2i  bond,^  i.e.  annul  a  document;  cf.  Richa^^d  III.  iv.  4.  77,  "  Cancel 
his  bond  of  life,  dear  God,  I  pray." 

108 — III.  'At  present  Rome  and  we  Romans  are  made  to  serve 
but  one  purpose,  viz.  the  personal  glorification  of  Csesar.' 

108,  109.    trash... offal ;  'rubbish,  refuse';  see  each  in  G. 

114.  *I  shall  have  to  answer  (pay)  for  my  words.'  arru'd^  i.e.  with 
the  power  alluded  to  in  line  97,  viz.  of  taking  his  own  life. 

115.  indifferent,  of  no  importance;  cf.  Lat.  differt,  'it  is  important.' 

117.  fleering,  grinning;  see  G.    Hold;  an  interjection,  'there!' 

118.  factious,  active;  commonly  used  in  a  bad  sense,  'too  active,' 
'rebellious.'   griefs ^  grievances. 

120.    who,  the  man  who.    There;  clasping  Casca's  hand. 

122.  Some,  viz.  Brutus  and  Cinna  (cf.  135,  136),  and  those  men- 
tioned in  148,  149. 

123.  undergo,  undertake. 

124.  honourable-dangerous.  Compound  adjectives,  in  which  the 
first  adjective  qualifies  the  second  adverbially,  are  not  uncommon  in 
Shakespeare:  cf.  'bloody-fiery,'  130;  'daring-hardy'  in  Richard  II.  I. 
3.  43  ;  'childish-foolish'  in  Richard  III.  I.  3.  142. 

125.  by  this,  i.e.  time. . .  *  by  now. ' 

T26.  Pompey^s  porch,  i.e.  the  Portico  of  "Pompey's  theatre" 
(152).  Both  porch  (through  the  French)  and  portico  come  from  Lat. 
porticus  *a  gallery,'  but  now  po7'ch  has  the  limited  sense  'vestibule, 

128.  complexion,  general  appearance;  a  word  of  wider  scope  then 
than  now.    element,  sky,  heaven ;  see  G. 

129.  The  ist  Folio  has  "Is  Fauors,  like  the  Worke"  etc.:  for 
which  Johnson  proposed  the  correction  "In  favour's  like"  =  in  appear- 
ance is  like  (see  favour  in  G.).  Most  editors  adopt  this,  while  some 
prefer  "Is  fev'rous  like"  ;  cf.  Macbeth,  II.  3.  66. 

13 T.    stand  close,  do  not  shew  yourself,  keep  concealed. 

sc.  III.] 



13-2.  Cinna;  L.  Cornelius  Cinna,  son  of  the  great  Cinna  (who 
was  supreme  at  Rome  during  the  absence  of  Sulla  in  the  East,  87-84 
B.C.).  Cinna  did  not  take  an  active  part  in  the  conspiracy,  though 
Plutarch  represents  him  as  doing  so,  but  afterwards  spoke  publicly 
in  praise  of  it.  His  sister  Cornelia  was  Csesar's  first  wife;  and  he  owed 
his  Pri3etorship  in  this  year  44  to  Caesar. 

134.  Metellus  Cimbe?- ;  so  Plutarch  in  the  Lifeoi  Csesar;  but  his 
real  name  was  Lucius  Tillms  Cimber.  Like  several  of  his  comrades  (see 
148,  note),  he  was  indebted  to  Csesar,  who  had  nominated  him  governor 
of  Bithynia,  whither  he  retired  after  the  murder.  But  he  resented  the 
exile  of  his  brother  (ill.  i.  49 — 51). 

135.  incorporate^  united,  joined;  a  past  participle;  see  G. 

137.  /  am  glad  onH;  either  that  he  has  found  Cassius  and  so  will 
not  have  to  search  for  him  any  more  on  so  fearful  a  night";  or  that 
Casca  has  joined  the  conspiracy. 

138.  There^s  two,  A  singular  verb  preceding  a  plural  subject  is 
common  in  Shakespeare,  especially  with  the  phrase  *  There  is.'  Cf. 
Cy7nbeline,  IV.  2.  371,  There  is  no  more  such  masters. Coming  first, 
before  the  plural  subject  has  been  mentioned,  the  singular  verb  appears 
less  unnatural.    Cf.  148  and  ill.  2.  29,  "  There  is  tears." 

have  seen^  i.e.  who  have;  note  the  frequent  omission  of  the  relative 
after  'there  is,'  'there  are'  etc.;  see  ii.  2.  14,  16;  iii.  r.  65;  in.  2.  231, 
232.    It  is  an  illustration  of  "  Elizabethan  brevity  "  (see  p.  202). 

140,  141.'  They  all  feel  that  the  cooperation  of  Brutus  is  necessary 
to  their  plot,  because  he  is  beloved  and  respected  by  the  people  (157)— 
known  to  be  a  man  of  noble,  disinterested  character  and  lofty  patriotism. 
See  Extract  11  from  Plutarch. 

142.    take  this  paper;  see  Extracts  9,  10  from  Plutarch. 

144.  i.e.  where  only  Brutus  may  find  it ;  see  I.  2.  322,  note. 

145.  at  his  window ;  cf.  I.  2.  320. 

146.  old  Brutus' ;  see  I.  2.  159,  note. 

148.  Decius ;  a  mistake  iox  Decimus ;  Shakespeare  copied  the  error 
(a  misprint)  from  the  Life  of  Julius  Ccesar  in  North's  Plutarch;  in  the 
Life  of  Octavius  the  name  is  printed  correctly.  Decimus  Brutus  served 
with  Caesar  in  Gaul,  and  had  recently  been  appointed  by  him  to  the 
great  post  of  governor  of  Cisalpine  Gaul.  Moreover,  "  Caesar  put  such 
confidence  [in  him],  that  in  his  last  will  and  testament  he  had  appointed 
him  to  be  his  next  heir,"  i.e.  next  after  Octavius  (North's  Plutarch, 
p.  98).  He  showed  his  gratitude  by  decoying  his  friend  and  patron  into 
the  snare  (ii.  2.  58 — T07), 



[act  II. 

Trehoniits  ;  Caius  Trebonius  ;  he  had  been  one  of  Caesar's  legates  in 
Gaul,  and,  like  Decimus,  was  under  great  personal  obligations  to  him. 

152.  Poinpeys  theatre;  in  the  Campus  Martius  ;  the  first  theatre 
in  Rome  built  of  stone;  opened  B.C.  55;  held  40,000  people;  an 
imitation  of  the  theatre  at  Mitylene;  considerable  remains  of  it  exist.- 

"Outside  the  theatre... was  a  very  large  and  magnificent  building 
supported  by  several  parallel  ranges  of  columns,  forming  a  great  Porticus 
or  court,  with  an  open  area  in  the  centre,  planted  with  avenues  of  syca- 
more trees  and  decorated  with  fountains  and  rows  of  statues  in  marble 
and  gilt  bronze.  This  Porticus  Pompeii  was  also  known  as  the  Hecato- 
stylon  or  'Hall  of  the  hundred  columns'"  Q.  H.  Middleton,  The 
Remains  of  Ancient  Rome^  ii.  67,  68). 

i54>  155*  Three  parts..  As;  a  singular  verb- because  the  subject, 
implying  *  amount,'  may  be  regarded  as  singular  in  sense,  though  not  in 
form.    Thus  we  might  say  colloquially  'three-fourths  is  a  big  majority.' 

156.    him;  reflexive  =*  himself ' ;  seel.  2.  325,  note. 

159.  countenance^  approval,  alchemy^  the  art  of  changing  base 
metals  into  gold;  see  G. ,  and  cf.  Sonnet  33,  "Gilding  pale  streams  with 
heavenly  alchemy"  (said  of  the  sunlight). 

162.    conceited^  judged,  estimated;  see  G. 


Scene  1. 

Details  suggested  by  Plutarch,  i.  No  oath  of  secrecy  taken  by 
the  conspirators.  2.  Their  decision  not  to  include  Cicero.  3.  The 
mistake  of  Brutus  in  sparing  Antony.  4.  The  scene  between  Brutus 
and  Portia  (note  especially  her  speeches  280 — 287,  292 — 297  as 
illustrations  of  Shakespeare's  way  of  using  the  very  words  of  North's 
translation:  also  Portia's  allusion  to  her  wound).  5.  The  iirterview 
with  Ligarius. 

Bruttts^s  Orchard^  i.e.  garden,    orchard^  see  G. 
I,  5.    what .when ;  used  in  exclamations  through  some  ellipse,  e.g. 
'what  is  the  matter?,'  'when  are  you  coming?' 

sc.  I.] 



10.  It  must  be.  Continuing  the  train  of  his  thoughts  before  he 
comes  on  the  stage.    It ;  the  preventing  Ctesar  from  becoming  king. 

11.  I  know  no  personal  cause.  On  the  contrary,  Brutus  had  every 
reason  to  be  grateful  to  Caesar,  who  had  shown  him  much  affection  and 
favour.  Herein  his  position  was  different  from  that  of  Cassius,  Metellus 
Cimber,  and  Ligarius,  each  of  whom  had  some  **  personal  cause " 
for  hating  the  Dictator. 

12.  the  general,  z^^x^^.  SomQ  take  tAe  general  substantively  = 
*the  people,'  as  in  Hamlet,  ii.  2.  457,  *"twas  caviare  to  the  general." 
For  the  sentiment,  cf.  "the  general  good,"  I.  2.  85;  "the  general 
wrong  of  Rome,"  iii.  i.  170;  ''a  general  honest  thought... common 
good  to  all,"  V.  5.  71,  72.  In  these  variations  on  the  same  theme — 
occurring,  as  we  see,  at  the  beginning,  the  middle,  and  the  end 
of  the  play — lies  the  one,  comprehensive,  motive  of  the  action  of 

12 — 34.  He  would  be  crowned.  The  point  of  this  speech  seems  to 
me  to  lie  in  the  fact  that  it  expresses  the  extreme,  almost  pedantic, 
horror  which  Brutus  feels  for  kingship  and  the  mere  name  '  king ' :  a 
horror  born  of  the  old  Roman  hatred  of  '  rex"*  and  all  its  associations, 
and  increased  in  his  case  by  family  tradition.  Practically  Caesar  was 
king  already:  could  it  really  make  much  difference  to  Rome  if  he 
assumed  the  name  when  he  possessed  the  reality?  He  had  wielded 
immense  power  for  years,  and  was  then  a  man  of  fifty-six:  would  the 
assumption  of  royalty  be  likely  to  make  any  change  in  his  character  ? 
Brutus  says  '  yes  ' :  if  Caesar  were  made  '  king,'  all  the  evil  in  him  would 
be  developed,  so  that  Rome  would  find  herself  in  the  hands  of  a  tyrant 
without  "remorse."  Brutus  speaks  as  if  the  bare  fact  of  "crowning" 
Caesar  would  "change  his  nature"  (13),  a  change  fraught  with  "danger" 
(17)  to  Rome.    Plere,  as  ever,     Rome  "  is  his  first  consideration. 

13.  Cf.  Hamlet,  ill.  i.  56,  "To  be,  or  not  to  be:  that  is  the 
question  "  = '  the  doubtful  point.' 

15.  rr^zwj,  requires,  necessitates.    //z<3;/  =  *  yes,  even  so.' 

16.  sting;  carrying  on  the  metaphor  of  the  *  adder'  (14). 

19.  remorse,  kindly  feeling  for  others,  considerateness ;  cf.  The  Mer- 
chant of  Venice,  IV.  i.  20,  '*Thou'lt  show... mercy  and  remorse."  Brutus 
means  that  the  evil  side  of  greatness  is  seen  when  a  man  is  so  carried 
away  by  ambition  as  to  lose  all  scruples  and  become  quite  heedless  of 
the  rights  and  feelings  of  other  men.  This,  however,  has  not  been  the 
case  with  Caesar:  his  passions affections "),  e.g.  his  love  of  power, 
have  always  been  under  the  restraint  of  reason. 



[ACT  II. 

21.  a  common  proofs  a  thing  often  proved  by  experience,  a  matter 
of  frequent  experience ;  cf.  Twelfth  Night,  iii.  i.  135,  136, 

*'^tis  a  vulgar  proof, 
That  very  oft  we  pity  enemies." 

22.  i.e.  a  young  ambitious  man  will  often  affect  humility  as  a- 
means  of  rising  in  the  world. 

ajnbition;  the  charge  that  he  afterwards  brings  against  Cxsar, 
III.  2.  29 — **as  he  was  ambitious,  I  slew  him." 
24.    rounds  step  of  the  ladder,  rung. 

26.    Looks  in  the  clouds ;  cf.    high-sighted  tyranny,"  118. 
base;  implying  both  '  low '  in  the  literal  sense  (F.  has)  and  '  humble, 
mean.'    degrees^  see  G. 

28.   prevent^  anticipate,  forestall,  him;  see  G. 

28,  29.  *  Our  motive  will  not  seem  excusable  by  reason  of  what  he 
now  is,'  i.e.  Caesar's  present  state  will  not  justify  their  assailing  him. 
In  Elizabethan  writers  quarrel  sometimes  means  'cause,  motive';  so 
here  '  cause  for  dissatisfaction  with  Caesar,  motive  for  acting  against 
him.'    colour^  see  G. 

^o,  31.  fashion  it  thus,  frame  it  in  this  way,  put  it  in  this  light. 
auginented^  if  increased,  i.e.  by  kingship,  extremities,  immoderate  acts, 
viz.  of  tyranny.  It  is  characteristic  of  an  uncompromising  theorist  that 
Brutus  acts  upon  a  mere  supposition;  cf.  '* Caesar  may''''  (27):  there  is 
no  waiting  to  see ;  he  at  once  assumes  "would." 

32 — 34.    The  metaphor  in  14 — 17.    as  his  kind,  like  his  species. 

37.    This  paper ;  see  I.  2.  319,  320;  I.  3.  142—145. 

40.  ides;  the  Folio  has  first\  probably  the  printer  did  not  know 
what  ides  meant,  so  merely  substituted  a  word  that  resembled  it  a  little 
and  made  some  sense.    Theobald  corrected  the  error. 

44.  exhalations,  meteors;  cf.  i  Henry  IV,  ii.  4.  352,  **do  you  see 
these  meteors  ?  do  you  behold  these  exhalations  ?  " 

51.    piece  it  out,  complete  the  sense. 

53j  54'    See  l.  2.  159 — 161.    Tarquin,  i.e.  the  Proud. 

56.  O  Rome,  I  make  thee  promise.  There  is  something  almost 
personal  in  his  love  of  Rome;  it  is  an  intense  patriotism. 

57.  the  redress.  No  redress  did  or  could  follow  the  murder  of 
Caesar  because  the  conspirators,  though  they  might  strike  him  down, 
were  powerless  to  provide  any  substitute  for  his  rule,  then  the  only 
possible  system.  The  murder  was  one  of  the  most  aimless  and  ineffectual 
deeds  recorded  in  history. 

59.  fifteen  days;  so  the  ist  Folio;  many  editors  change  to  fourteen. 



But  the  time  of  the  action  of  this  Scene  is  clearly  a  little  before  daybreak 
(cf.  103,  104)  of  the  15th,  and  in  making  such  reckonings  the  Roman 
usage  was  to  include  the  current  day;  Shakespeare  may  have  known  this. 

64.  motion;  either  'suggestion,  proposal,'  i.e.  by  some  one  else; 
or  'impulse,  tendency  towards,'  i.e.  of  one's  own  mind. 

65.  phantasma,  vision. 

66.  Some  editors  take  genius  to  mean  *the  mind,  the  ruling 
intellectual  power,'  and  explain  the  mortal  instruments ^QiiYiQX  (i)  '  the 
earthly  passions '  or  (2)  *the  bodily  powers '  through  which  the  mind 
works.  But  it  is  very  doubtful  ^h.tih.Qx  geitius  ever  bears  this  sense  in 
Shakespeare;  he  almost  always  uses  the  word  in  allusion  to  the  classical 
belief  that  every  man  is  watched  over  by  a  guardian  spirit  who  directs 
his  actions — what  the  Greeks  called  a  dal/mc^v  and  the  Romans  a 
^ genius.^    I  take  that  to  be  the  meaning  here:  for  note  that  he  says 

the  genius,"  and  that  the  phrase  occurs  in  Troiliis  and  Cressida^  iv. 
4.  52,  where  it  must  mean  '  ruling  spirit ';  cf. 

*  *  Hark  !  you  are  call'd  ;  some  say  the  Genius  so 
Cries  '  come ! '  to  him  that  instantly  must  die. " 
I  interpret  therefore  the  Genius  =  ih.Q  ruling  spirit  external  to  a  man, 
and  the  mortal  instruments— \^\^  own  inward  powers;  mortal  being  in 
antithesis  to  the  notion  *  supernatural '  contained  in  genius, 

67.  the  state  of  man ^  i.e.  the  kingdom  of;  q{.  Macbeth^  1.  3.  140. 
Man  is  regarded  as  a  microcosm  (Gk.  i~xLKpb%  +  Koaixos^  *  little  world')  or 
epitome  of  the  state,  as  often  of  the  macrocosm  or  universe. 

69.  The  nature  of  i.e.  as  it  were  a  revolution. 

70.  your  brother  Cassius;  strictly  brother-in-law;  Cassius  had 
married  Junia,  half-sister  of  Brutus.    Cf.  iv.  2.  37 — 39  ;  IV.  3.  307. 

72.  moe^  more;  cf.  V.  3.  loi,  and  see  G. 

73,  74.    Elizabethan  dress. 

75.  may^  can  ;  the  original  sense  ;  cf.  the  cognate  Germ.  mag. 

76.  favour^  countenance,  looks  ;  see  G. 
79.   free,  i.e.  from  restraint  and  shame. 

83.  *  If  thou  dost  walk  abroad,  with  thy  form  undisguised — in  thy 
true  form.'  Drayton  uses  path  as  a  trans,  verb  'to  walk  in';  cf.  Heroical 
Epistles y  "  Bathing  young  Henry's  unadvised  ways."  No  change  beyond 
placing  a  comma  (not  in  the  Folios)  after  path  seems  necessary,  but  for 
path  some  would  read  put  or  hadst^  making  it  govern  se?nblance. 

84.  Erebus;  in  classical  mythology  the  name  of  a  region  of  utter 
darkness  between  Earth  and  Hades;  hence  used  =  ' hell.'  Cf.  The 
Merchant  of  Venice^  v.  87,  "  dark  as  Erebus." 



[act  IL 

85.  from  prevention^  from  being  forestalled  ;  see  prevent  in  G. 

86.  upon,  i.e.  in  intruding  upon. 

91.    But,  who  not;  often  used  thus  in  negative  clauses;  cf.  The 
Tempest,  I.  2.  209,    Not  a  soul  but  felt  a  fever,"  i.e.  who  did  not, 
91—93.    Cf.  I.  2.  55—62. 

loi — III.  This  little  conversation  is  to  fill  the  interval  while 
Brutus  and  Cassius  converse  apart,  and — still  more — to  give  a  certain 
repose.  A  pause  like  this,  occupied  with  the  kind  of  trivial,  ordinary 
talk  that  belongs  to  every  age,  lends  indescribable  naturalness  and  reality 
to  the  whole  story. 

104.  fret,  variegate;  see  G. 

106.  as,  where ;  from  the  notion  '  according  as.' 

107.  which;  the  quarter  of  the  sun's  rising;  it  must  (he  adds)  be  a 
good  way  toward  the  south,  since  the  month  is  only  March. 

growing  on,  verging  towards,  encroaching  on. 

108.  weighing,  considering.  Several  participles  are  still  used  thus 
as  prepositions,  e.g.  'considering,*  'judging,'  'regarding.'  The  idiom 
is  somewhat  colloquial;  thus  we  might  say,  but  not  care  to  write, 
'judging  by  your  remarks,  it  is  a  nice  place.' 

110.    high  east,  due  east. 

113.  resolution;  scan  the  ion  as  one  foot  i-dn. 

114.  No,  not  an  oath.    See  Extract  12  from  Plutarch. 
if  not;  he  was  going  to  say  'if  these  are  not  enough.' 

the  face  of  men.  "  Meaning  probably  the  shame  and  self-reproach 
with  which  Romans  must  now  look  each  other  in  the  face  under  the  con- 
sciousness of  having  fallen  away  from  the  republican  spirit  of  their 
forefathers" — Hudson  \  or  perhaps  the  shame  which  each  would  feel 
from  the  reproachful  looks  of  the  world  if  he  were  false  to  their 
"resolution"  and  a  traitor  to  the  cause. 

116.    betimes,  in  good  time,  before  we  have  gone  too  far. 

118.  high- sighted;  cf.  26. 

119.  by  lottery ;  implying  that  a  despot  acts  by  mere  whim. 
123.    what,  why;  cf.  the  same  use  of  Lat.  quid. 

125.  Than,  i.e.  than  that  (the  bond)  of:  a  .good  illustration  of 
Shakespeare's  "brevity"  (see  p.  215). 

126,127.  'shirk  duty.'  engaged,  ^l^dg^d cL  gage,  2,  Y>^tdigQ. 

The  unsuspicious  character  of  Brutus,  who  thinks  others  as  noble- 
minded  as  himself,  is  clearly  brought  out  in  this  speech, 

129.  swear,  make  to  take  an  oath,    cautelous  ;  see  G. 

130.  carrions,  worthless  creatures  ;  a  term  of  contempt ;  see  G. 

sc.  I.] 


133.  even^  without  blemish,  pure;  cf.  stain"  in  132.  See 
Henry  VIII,  ill.  i.  37,  **  I  know  my  life  so  even  "  =  without  stain. 

134.  htstippressive  mettle^  ^xAowx  \\\2X  may  not  be  kept  down;  see 
both  words  in  the  '  Glossary.* 

135.  To  think;  by  thinking;  a  gerund,    or... or;  cf.  v.  5.  3. 

136.  137.    Cf.  III.  I.  40,  **bears  such  rebel  blood  "  =  owns,  has. 
138.    several,  separate. 

144.  his  silver  hairs;  Cicero  was  then  63  years  old.  There  is  a 
quibble  on    silver,"    purchase,"  and  **buy." 

145.  <?/mzi?;^,  i.e.  public  opinion ;  'reputation.'    Sc2in  opin-i-dn. 
148.    Our  youths.    Brutus  was  in  his  42nd  year. 

150.  break  with  him,  impart  our  plans  to  him. 

151,  152.  Plutarch  gives  other  reasons  why  Cicero  was  not  invited 
to  join  in  the  conspiracy ;  see  Extract  13.  Shakespeare  describes  Cicero 
quite  correctly;  he  was  an  egotistical  man  with  an  exaggerated  opinion 
of  his  services  to  the  state ;  he  was  also  most  irresolute,  never  following 
any  policy  consistently  to  the  end. 

155.  well  urg^dy  a  wise  suggestion  ! 

156.  Mark  Antony,  See  Extract  14  from  Plutarch.  Cassius  has 
judged  Antony,  no  less  than  Casca  (i.  2.  301 — 306),  aright.  He  sees  in 
Antony  a  likely  source  of  danger,  just  as  he  sees  the  error  of  permitting 
Antony  to  address  the  citizens  (in.  i.  231 — 243).  Afterwards  (v.  i.  45 — 
47)  he  cannot  resist  the  temptation  to  turn  round  upon  Brutus  and 
reproach  him.'  Cassius  is  to  the  one  party  what  Antony  is  to  the 
other — the  practical  man  of  shrewd  judgment. 

158.    contriver^  ^\o\.ie.x.       160.    fz««<7jj/,  harm  ;  cf.  I.  3.  22, 

164.    wrath;  cf.  **but  not  wrathfully,"  172.    envy^  malice,  spite. 

169.  To  *'  come  by,"  i.e.  get  at,  reach,  Caesar's  spirit"  is  just  what 
the  conspirators  are  not  able  to  do.  They  **  strike  down  the  man  Julius, 
but  they  cannot  kill  *  Caesar.'  The  *  spirit  of  Caesar,'  or  (to  use  the 
modem  phrase)  of  Caesarism,  survives,  and  the  latter  half  of  the  play 
is  the  exhibition  of  its  complete  triumph." — Boas. 

173,  174.  Contrast  what  does  happen  (ill.  i.  76).  Jit  for  homtds, 
Malone  notes  that  the  metaphor  of  hunting  is  used  by  Plutarch  (Extract 
23,  line  25)  in  describing  Caesar's  death.    See  ill.  i.  204 — 210. 

175 — 177.  Cf.  Richard  11.^  where  Bolingbroke  rebukes  Exton  for 
murdering  Richard,  after  having  instigated  him  to  do  the  deed  (Act  v., 
Scenes  4  and  6).  Cf.  also  John's  conduct  towards  Hubert  in  King 
Johny  IV.  2.  Elizabeth  has  been  credited  with  an  attempt  to  pursue 
the  same  policy  in  regard  to  Mary  Queen  of  Scots. 

i.e.  8 



[ACT  II. 

176.  The  "servants"  of  the  heart  are  the  bodily  powers — '*the 
mortal  instruments,"  66 — which  execute  its  wishes. 

177,  178.    i.e.  make  it  seem  necessary,  not  due  to  malice. 

180.    purgers,  men  who  have  rid  the  land  of  evil  (viz.  of  Caesar). 

182.  he  can  do  no  more  than  CcEsar's  arm^  i.e.  because  Antony  is 
"but  a  limb  of  Caesar  yet  it  is  precisely  Caesar's  death  that  does  make 
him  formidable.  Brutus's  depreciation  of  Antony,  the  very  man 
destined  (as  the  audience  know)  to  crush  the  conspirators  and  avenge 
Caesar,  illustrates  the  "irony"  of  tragedy. 

187.  take  thought^  give  way  to  melancholy. 

188,  189.    much^  i.e.  to  expect  of  him.    sports;  cf.  I.  2.  204,  note. 
190.    no  fear,  no  cause  of  fear — *  nothing  to  be  feared  from  him.' 
192.    The  Romans  had  no  striking  clocks;  only  dials  and  devices 

for  marking  time  such  as  clepsydrce,  water-clocks.    See  p.  xxxi. 

"  Observe  how  strongly  Shakspere  marks  the  passage  of  time  up  to 
the  moment  of  Caesar's  death;  night,  dawn  (loi),  eight  o'clock  (213), 
nine  o'clock  (11.  4.  23),  that  our  suspense  may  be  heightened,  and  our 
interest  kept  upon  the  strain" — Dowden. 

196.  y;'^?/;^,  differently  from,    mam;     fixed,  predominant." 

197.  fantasy;  see  G.    ceremonies,  signs,  portents;  cf.  11.  2.  13. 

198.  apparent,  clear,  manifest;  see  G. 

199.  this  night;  cf.  the  description  of  it  in  i.  3  and  ii.  2. 

203,  /  can  oersway  him,  Cf.  the  next  Scene  where  Decius  does 
*  o'ersway '  Caesar,  prevailing  upon  him  to  go  to  the  Capitol.  There  is 
an  interesting  allusion  to  the  event  in  Bacon's  Essay  **  Of  Friendship." 

204,  205.  '*  Unicorns  are  said  to  have  been  taken  by  ane  who, 
running  behind  a  tree,  eluded  the  violent  push  the  animal  was  making 
at  him,  so  that  his  horn  spent  its  force  on  the  trunk  and  stuck  fast, 
detaining  the  beast  till  he  was  despatched  by  the  hunter....  Bears  are 
reported  to  have  been  surprised  by  means  of  a  mirror,  which  they 
would  gaze  on,  affording  their  pursuers  an  opportunity  of  taking  surer 
aim.  Elephants  were  seduced  into  pitfalls,  lightly  covered  with  hurdles 
and  turf,  on  which  a  proper  bait  to  tempt  them  was  exposed." — Steevens. 

The  belief  with  reference  to  unicorns  is  referred  to  again  in  Timon 
of  Athens^  IV.  3.  339,  and  illustrated  by  the  Faerie  Queene,  II.  5.  10. 

205,  206.    glasses;  cf.  I.  2.  68,  267,  note,    toils,  snares;  see  G. 
210.    'I  can  humour  his  natural  inclination,'  i.e.  play  upon  his 

weakness  for  flattery.  Cf.  Hamlet,  iii.  2.  401,  **They  fool  me  to  the 
top  of  my  bent, " 

213.  the  eighth  hour  i.e.  according  to  modern  time;  the  "eighth 
hour  "  in  the  Roman  reckoning  would  be  about  i  p.m.  The  Senate 
usually  met  in  the  early  morning,    the  uttermosty  the  latest  time. 

sc.  I.]  NOTES.  115 

'215.  Ligarius,  His  prceitoinen  was  QuintuSy  not  Cams.  In  the 
Life  of  Marcus  Brutus,  Plutarch  calls  hhn  Caius,  but  Quintus  in  the 
Life  of  Octavius.  Ligarius  had  taken  Pompey's  side  against  Caesar, 
and  after  the  battle  of  Pharsalia  was  banished  from  Italy.  Cicero's 
oration  on  his  behalf,  pro  Ligarioj  moved  Caesar  to  pardon  him,  and 
has  helped  to  perpetuate  his  name.  Ligarius  perished  in  the  '  pro- 
scriptions'  (iv.  i)  that  followed  Csesar's  death. 

doth  bear  Ccesar  hard;  cf.  I.  2.  317.  Plutarch  mentions  the  hostility 
of  Ligarius.  Caesar  himself  apparently  was  conscious  of  it  (11.  2.  in — 
113);  see  also  the  warning  paper  of  Artemidorus  (ii.  3). 

218.  by  hifUy  by  his  house;  cf.  **to  you,"  to  your  house,  I.  2.  309. 

219.  reasons^  i.e.  for  loving  me  well. 

220.  77/  fashion  him.  We  see  later  what  great  influence  over 
him  Brutus  has;  cf.  312—334. 

225.  put  on,  wear  openly  and  so  disclose  ;  cf.  I.  3.  60,  "put  on  fear." 

226.  bear  it,  behave;  the  it  is  a  cognate  accusative  referring  to 
the  action  of  the  verb,  i.e.  bear  the  bearing  ~  manner,  behaviour.  Cf. 
*  revel  i.e.  the  revel,  *  fight  it  out,'  i.e.  the  fight.  The  implied 
object  is  generally  indicated  thus  by  the  sense' of  the  verb. 

227.  formal  constancy,  ordinary  composure  of  manner. 

229 — 233.  Cf.  his  similar  kindliness  towards  Lucius  in  iv.  3.  252 — • 
272.  Such  points  show  us  the  "gentle"  (v.  5.  73),  sensitive  spirit  of 
Brutus,  a  spirit  that  ill  fits  him  to  play  the  part  of  conspirator. 

230.  dew;'  in  the  figurative  sense  'refreshment';  cf.  '*enjoy'd  the 
golden  dew  of  sleep,"  Richard  II L  iv.  i.  84;  '*the  timely  dew  of 
sleep,"  Paradise  Lost,  iv.  614. 

honey •  heavy ;  literally  *  heavy  with  honey,'  i.e.  very  sweet. 

^31'   figures.,  fantasies,  idle  fancies  and  imaginations. 

nor  no;  the  double  negative  expressing  emphasis;  cf.  237. 

Enter  Portia.  See  Extract  15  from  Plutarch.  Cf.  the  scene  between 
Hotspur  and  his  wife  in  i  Henry  IV.  ii.  3.  40 — 120. 

236.    condition,  health,  constitution;  in  254  =  ' temper,  disposition.' 

238.  stole ;  Shakespeare  once  elsewhere  {Macbeth,  11.  3.  73)  uses 
this  form,  the  past  tense,  as  a  past  participle.  Cf.  too  Paradise  Lost, 
IV.  719. 

240.  across,  i.e.  folded;  an  attitude  of  grief  (see  256);  cf-  The 
Tempest,  i.  2.  224,  "  His  arms  in  this  sad  knot." 

245.  yet,  still. 

246.  wafture,  waving.  In  HamJet,  I.  4.  78,  "  It  wafts  me  still," 
i.e.  beckons  to  me,  ihe  quartos  have  waves.    Cognate  words. 




[act  II. 

250.  an  effect  of  humour^  due  to  mere  caprice. 

251.  i.e.  to  which  every  man  is  liable  now  and  then.  see  G. 
253.    shape^ioxvcv',  or 'appearance.' 

255.  Dear  7?iy  lord;  the  pronoun  is  often  transposed  thus  (perhaps 
to  give  emphasis  to  it)  in  short  phrases  of  address ;  cf.  The  Merry  Wives 
of  Windsor,  I.  3.  13,  "Do  so,  good  mine  host." 

259.    iT^/??^      acquire,  get ;  cf.  169. 

261.  physical^  healthy;  see  G. 

262.  unbraced;  cf.  I.  3.  48.    humours^  damp  airs. 

265.  contagion.  Cf.  King  John,  v.  4.  33,  nighty  whose  black 
contagious  breath  "  etc. ;  the  notion  is  *  poisonous,  full  of  pestilence.' 

266.  rheumy^  moist;  see  G.    unpurged^  i.e.  by  the  sun. 

268.  sick  offence^  harm  of  sickness;  see  i.  2.  10,  note. 

269.  virtue^  privilege;  cf.  the  phrase  '  in  virtue  of.' 
271.    charm,  conjure;  see  G. 

274.  your  half.  So  Adam  addresses  Eve,  "Best  image  of  myself, 
and  dearer  half,"  Paradise  Lost,  v.  95.  Horace  calls  Vergil  animce 
dimidium  mece — Odes^  I.  3.  8.     275.    heavy,  i.e.  of  heart. 

281.    Is  it  excepted?  is  this  reservation  made  that? 

283.    in  sort  or  limitation,  in  a  limited  degree. 

285.  in  the  suburbs  of  on  the  outskirts  of ;  probably  an  allusion  to 
the  ill  repute  of  the  London  suburbs  then.  A  similar  hint  of  London  is 
the  reference  in  Coriolanus,  i.  10.  31,  to  "  the  city  mills  "  at  Rome. 

289,  290.  The  true,  scientific  theory  of  the  circulation  of  the  blood 
is  of  course  associated  with  the  name  of  William  Harvey,  who  first 
taught  it  in  1619;  but  the  fact  of  there  being  some  circulation  had  been 
known  long  previously,  though  not  properly  understood.  Cf.  Gray's 
reference,  The  Bard^^i,  *'  Dear,  as  the  ruddy  drops  that  warm  my  heart." 

293.  to  wife;  a  common  idiom  in  which  =*  equivalent  to/  *for.' 
Cf.  the  Prayer-Book,  "  I  take  thee  to  my  wedded  wife." 

307.  construe,  explain. 

308.  All  the  charactery  of  all  that  is  written  on ;  see  G. 
311.    Caius  Ligarius.    See  Extract  16  from  Plutarch. 
313.    vouchsafe,  2JZZQ-^\.\  see  G. 

315.  To  wear  a  kerchief;  an  Elizabethan  custom  in  illness;  the 
phrase  has  a  very  Elizabethan  ring.  Cf.  Giles  Fletcher,  Chris fs  Victor ie 
in  Heaven  (1610),  12,  Pale  Sickness  with  his  kercher'd  head  upwound." 
kerchief,  see  G. 

322.  Cf.  A  Midsummer- Nighf s  Dream,  I.  i.  99,  *'I  am,  my  lord, 
as  well  deriv'd  as  he,"  i.e.  as  well  born. 

sc.  II.] 



323,  324.  conjured... spirit,  Cf.  I.  2.  146,  147.   mortified^  deadened. 

326.  to  do;  the  gerund  ;  cf.  phrases  like  '  a  house  to  let^  *  water  to 
drink.'*  This  was  the  old  idiom  ;  cf.  Chaucer,  Second  Nun's  Tale,  437, 
"  *  Your  might,'  quod  she,  '  ful  litel  is  to  drede^  "  i.e.  your  might,  she 
said,  is  little  to  be  feared. 

327.  whole ;  akin  to  hale, 

328.  Perhaps  he  suspects  that  **  the  piece  of  work"  is  against  Caesar. 
331.    to  whom.    By  the  ellipse  Brutus  purposely  leaves  Ligarius  in 

doubt  whether  to  him,  or  to  them,  *  to  whom '  is  meant :  the  latter 
would  be  untrue,  while  the  former  would  show  at  once  that  Caesar  was 

333>  334*  sufficeth  that  Brutus  leads  me.  Brutus  had  good 
reason  to  say  of  Ligarius     I'll  fashion  him"  (220). 

Scene  2. 

Details  based  on  Plutarch,  i.  Calpurnia's  dream  and  the  omens 
generally.  2.  The  interview  between  Csesar  and  Decius.  (For  some 
minor  points  see  the  notes  on  30,  31,  32,  39,  40.) 

Ccesar^s  house.    This  was  the  official  residence,  Damns  Ptiblica,  of 
the  Pontifex  Maximus  (an  office  then  held  by  Csesar),  near  the  Sacra  Via, 
in  his  nightgown,  i.e.  dressing-gown. 
2,  3.    See  Extract  17  from  Plutarch. 

5,6.  priests,  i.e.  the  augurers."  present,  immediate,  do... 
sacrifice  =  'L3ii.  sacra  facere,  Gk.  leph  pe^eiv.    success ;  see  G. 

He  sends  to  consult  the  augurers  (another  example  of  his  "supersti- 
tion," II.  T.  196),  yet  will  not  wait  for  their  answer  (10 — 12). 

12.  are;  vivid  present,  as  though  the  scene  were  passing  before  him. 

13.  stood  on,  paid  attention  to,  thought  much  of;  cf.  ill.  i.  100. 
cerefnoniesy  omens;  as  in  1 1.  i.  197.  Cf.  North's  Plutarch:  CaJpurnia 
until  that  time  was  never  given  to  any  fear  and  superstition"  (p.  98). 

16.    recounts,  i.e.  who  recounts;  see  I.  3.  138,  note. 

18 — 24.    Cf.  the  parallel  passage  in  i^^<3!;;//^/,  I.  i.  113 — 118; 
'*  In  the  most  high  and  palmy  state  of  Rome, 
A  little  ere  the  mightiest  Julius  fell, 
The  graves  stood  tenantless  and  the  sheeted  dead 
Did  squeak  and  gibber  in  the  Roman  streets : 
As  stars  with  trains  of  fire  and  dews  of  blood, 
Disasters  in  the  sun." 



[act  II. 

19,  20.  Milton  probably  had  these  lines  in  mind  when  he  wrote 
Paradise  Lost,  II.  533 — 538. 

20.  right,  true,  regidar. 

22.    hurtled,  clashed;  see  G. 

24.  The  classical  poets  assign  a  shrill  piping  voice  to  the  *  ghosts* 
or  souls  of  the  dead.  Cf.  Homer,  Odyssey  xxiv.  5  et  seq.,  where  the 
souls  of  Penelope's  suitors  are  described  as  gibbering  (rpl^ovaat)  like 
bats";  and  Vergil,  ALneid  vi.  492,  493. 

25.  use,  custom,  precedent 

29.  A7'e  to,  are  meant  for. 

30,  31.  Plutarch  mentions  **the  great  comet,  which  seven  nights 
together  was  seen  very  bright  after  Caesar's  death  "  (p.  103).  The 
appearance  of  a  comet  was  traditionally  held  an  evil  omen ;  it  **  be- 
tokeneth,"  says  an  old  writer,  Batman  (1582),  changing  of  kings, 
and  is  a  token  of  pestilence  or  of  war." 

32,  33.  Alluding  to  a  famous  remark  of  Caesar  made  not  long 
before  his  murder — that  '*  It  was  better  to  die  once,  than  always  to  be 
afraid  of  death."  Caesar's  friends  wished  him  to  have  a  body-guard  for 
his  safety:  in  refusing  he  spoke  those  words  (which  Plutarch  records). 

39,  40.  Speaking  of  the  omens,  Plutarch  says:  "Caesar  self  [i.e. 
Caesar  himself]  doing  sacrifice  unto  the  gods,  found  that  one  of  the  beasts 
which  was  sacrificed  had  no  heart:  and  that  was  a  strange  thing  in 
nature,  how  a  beast  could  live  without  a  heart."  Shakespeare  makes 
this  happen  to  the  augurers,  not  to  Caesar,  as  the  act  of  sacrificing 
could  scarcely  be  represented  on  the  stage. 

42.  without  a  heart;  and  so  a  coward,  the  heart  being  regarded  as 
the  seat  of  courage. 

44.    Danger;  personified. 

46.     We  are;  in  the  ist  Folio  Weheare\  a  sure  correction  (Upton's). 

56.  for  thy  humour,  to  please  your  caprice. 

Enter  Decius.    See  Extract  18  from  Plutarch;  cf.  ii.  i.  211. 

67.  afeard,  see  G.  gray  beards ;  a  contemptuous  term  for  the 
Senate.  Many  of  the  Senators  were  Caesar's  own  nominees  and  men  of 
plebeian  rank,  whose  appointment  gave  such  offence  to  the  patricians 
that  derisive  placards  were  set  up  about  the  city  asking  people  not  to 
show  the  new  Senators  the  way  to  the  Senate-house.  See  again  ill.  i. 
32,  note. 

76.  to-night,  last  night,  statue.  The  ist  Folio  has  statue;  some 
modem  editors  print  statua^  that  being  a  common  Elizabethan  form 
which  gives  us  the  required  trisyllable;  so  again  in  ill.  2.  192.  The 

sc.  II.] 



change  does  not  seem  to  me  necessary,  as  we  can  scan  statue  {'^ 

80.    apply  for,  interpret  as. 

88,  89.  All  he  means  apparently  is  that  men  will  dye  ('  tincture ') 
their  handkerchiefs  (cf.  ill.  2.  138)  in  the  blood  of  Ccesar,  ai^id  keep 
them  as  memorials  ('relics')  and  badges  of  honour  {'cognizance'). 
Steevens  writes — *'  At  the  execution  of  several  of  our  ancient  nobility, 
martyrs  etc.,  w^e  are  told  that  handkerchiefs  were  tinctured  with  their 
blood,  and  preserved  as  affectionate  or  salutary  memorials  of  the 

89.  cognizajice^  badge ;  see  G.  It  will  be  a  kind  of  distinction  to 
possess  a  handkerchief  stained  with  Caesar's  blood. 

91.  well  expounded.  Yet  his  interpretation  had  not  explained 
away  what  really  constituted  the  evil  omen  of  the  dream,  viz.  the 
pouring  forth  of  Caesar's  blood. 

93,  94.  See  Extract  18  from  Plutarch,  and  observe  how  closely 
Shakespeare  follows  North's  translation.    See  1.  3.  85— 88,  note. 

96,  97.  a  mock  apt  to  be  render'' d;  a  mocking  retort  likely  to  be 
made.    '  Render  '  gives  the  notion  '  in  reply.' 

102,  103.    i.e.  my  deep  devotion  to  your  interests  and  welfare. 

104.  liable,  subject.  *  Reason '  bids  him  not  speak  so  freely  to 
Caesar  for  fear  of  giving  offence,  but  *  love '  forces  him  to  be  outspoken. 

108.  Shakespeare  seems  to  use  '  Publius '  as  being  a  common 
Roman prcBno'men,  A  '  Publius '  is  mentioned  in  ill.  1.8 5 — 91  (evidently 
an  old  man),  and  one  of  the  victims  of  the  'proscriptions'  is  a 
*  Publius,'  IV.  1.4  (a  young  man,  as  he  is  Antony's  nephew). 

Ill — 113.    Ligarius,    See  II.  i.  215  (note)  and  310 — 326. 

114.    eight;  the  hour  appointed  by  the  conspirators  (ii.  i.  213). 

116.    Antony,  that  revels ;  see  I.  2.  204,  note;  II.  i.  t88,  189. 

118.  Bid  them,  i.e.  his  train  who  are  to  escort  him  to  the  Capitol. 

119.  to  be  thus  waited  for,  i.e.  to  keep  the  Senate  waiting. 
121.    Scan  hour's  as  two  syllables.    See  ill.  i.  171,  note. 

124,  125.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Trebonius  was  not  near  Caesar  when 
the  murder  took  place;  see  III.  r.  25,  26,  note. 

128.  like;  an  echo  of  Caesar's  words  like  friends."  The  sense 
is — *'To  be  like  a  thing  is  not  always  to  be  that  thing" — Craik: 
persons  and  things  are  not  always  what  they  seem. 

129.  yearns,  grieves;  see  G. 



[ACT  II. 

Scene  3. 

Artemidorus.  See  Extract  19  from  Plutarch,  which  shows  how  il 
was  that  Artemidorus  knew  so  much  about  the  conspirators.  Observe 
the  use  of  prose  (as  often  in  Shak. )  for  letters,  documents  etc. 

7,8.  beest;  see  G.  security,  carelessness,  over- confidence  ;  see  G. 
gives  way  to^  gives  opportunity  to — makes  the  path  easier  for. 

lo.  lover^  friend,  well-wisher;  cf.  ill.  i.  13,  "Romans,  countrymen, 
and  lovers  I " 

14.  Out  of  the  teeth  of,  beyond  the  power  of.  emulation,  envy ;  see  G, 
16.    contrive,  plot;  cf.  contriver,  11.  i.  158. 

Scene  4. 

Compare  Extract  20  from  Plutarch.  The  Scene  shows  that  Brutus 
fulfilled  his  promise  of  telling  Portia  about  the  conspiracy.  Such  side- 
scenes  as  this  give  us  the  impressions  of  those  who  are  watching  the 
course  of  events  from  a  little  distance,  and  we  seem  to  join  them  as 
spectators :  here,  for  instance,  we  cannot  help  feeling  something  of 
Portia's  anxiety  as  she  waits  for  news  and  suddenly  thinks  that  she 
hears  a  sound  from  the  direction  of  the  Capitol.  Compare  the  Scene 
(ill.  4)  in  Richard  II.,  where  the  Gardener  and  Servants  talk  about 
the  unhappy  state  of  England;  as  we  hear  their  comments  on  con- 
temporary events,  those  events  appear  much  nearer  to  us  and  more 
vivid ;  we  slip  insensibly  into  the  feelings  of  an  onlooker. 

1.  thee;  speaking  as  a  mistress  to  her  servant  she  uses  thou 
throughout;  so  to  the  Soothsayer,  her  social  inferior  (21 — 31),  while  he 
replies  by  the  respectful  jK^?^^  (33). 

6.    constancy,  firmness,  self-control;  cf.  iii.  i.  22. 

9.    keep  counsel,  i.e.  a  secret. 

15.  what  suitors  press  to  him.  Cf.  the  first  Scene  of  the  next  Act. 
She  has  heard  from  Brutus  how  they  propose  to  carry  out  their  plot. 
suitors,  i.e.  people  with  petitions  to  present  to  Caesar  as  chief  magistrate. 

18.    rumour ;  in  the  literal  sense  *  confused  noise'  (Lat.  rumor)',  cf. 
Ki?tg John,  V.  4.  45,  "  the  noise  and  rumour  of  the  field"  (i.e.  of  battle). 
20.    Sooth,  in  truth ;  see  G. 

25.    not  yet;  C?esar  was  late  in  leaving  his  house  (ii.  i.  119). 
35.    prj^tors.    Phitarch  states  that  many  of  the  conspirators  were 
praetors  (North,  p.  116). 

37.    more  void,  less  'narrow'  (cf.  33), 

39.    Ay  me ;  O.F.  ay  mi,  'aias  for  me       cf.  Gk.  ol'/xot. 

ACT  III.  SC.  I.] 



42.  Brutus  hath  a  suit,  **  These  words  Portia  addresses  to 
Lucius,  to  deceive  him,  by  assigning  a  false  cause  for  her  present 
perturbation" — Malone,  Lucius  will  think  that  the  **suit'*  is  the 
**  enterprise "  referred  to  in  41. 

Portia  does  not  appear  again;  Shakespeare  purposely  lets  us  see  her 
but  seldom:  otherwise  an  interest  alien  from  the  main  action  of  the 
play  might  have  grown  too  prominent — Dowden,  So  in  Coriolanus 
Valeria  and  Virgilia  (attractive  figures)  are  not  allowed  to  obscure 

Scene  1. 

Details  based  on  Plutarch,  i.  The  warnings  of  the  Soothsayer  and 
Artemidorus.  2.  The  conversation  of  Popilius  Lena  with  Caesar. 
3.  The  suit  of  Metellus  Cimber.  4.  The  account  of  the  murder  and 
confusion  that  followed.  5.  The  mistake  of  Brutus  in  allowing  Antony 
to  "speak  in  the  order  of  Caesar's  funeral."  6.  The  entry  of  the 
conspirators  with  blood-stained  swords  into  the  *' market-place." 

That  the  events  of  this  Scene  take  place  in  "the  Capitol"  is 
indicated  clearly  by  line  12  and  by  several  passages  in  the  preceding 
Act — e.g.  II.  I.  201,  211;  II.  4.  II,  24.  There  is  no  stage-direction  in 
the  Folio  as  to,  the  locality.  On  the  historical  scene  of  Caesar's  murder 
see  Appendix^  p.  196. 

Apparently  Shakespeare  understood  "  Capitol"  to  mean  the  citadel  of 
ancient  Rome,  and  thought  that  it  was  the  regular  meeting-place  of  the 
Senate  (cf.  Coriolanus,  11.  i.  92;  li.  2).  But  strictly  the  Capitoliurn 
was  the  great  temple  of  Jupiter  situate  on  the  southern  peak  of  the  hill 
named  Mons  Capitolinus,  after  the  temple;  while  the  citadel,  on  the 
northern  peak  of  this  hill,  was  known  as  the  Arx.  Moreover  no  special 
building  was  devoted  to  the  meetings  of  the  Senate,  nor  was  the  citadel 
used  for  this  purpose.  The  Senate's  most  frequent  place  of  assembly 
was  the  Curia  Hostilia  near  the  Forum. 

I — 10.    See  Extracts  19,  21  from  Plutarch;  cf.  I.  2.  12 — 24. 

3.    schedule^  paper  written  on. 

7,  8.  touches,  concerns,  served,  attended  to.  This  is  one  of  the 
few  utterances  in  the  play  that  seem  worthy  of  the  great  Dictator.  It  is 
not  suggested  by  anything  in  Plutarch's  account  of  the  incident. 

10.    Sirrah  ;  see  G. 




Casar  goes  up;  cf.  the  allusions  in  Cymbeline^  I.  6.  105,  106  to 

the  stairs 

That  mount  the  Capitol." 
13.    Popilius ;  see  Extract  22  from  Plutarch.    How  vivid  an  im- 
pression of  anxious  suspense  the  incident  (13 — 24)  conveys. 

18.  makes  to,  goes  toward  ;  implying  haste.    Cf.  v.  3.  28. 

19.  sudden,  quick;  ci.  Richard IIL  I.  3.  346,  "But,  sirs,  be  sudden 
in  the  execution."   prevention^  being  forestalled;  cf.  ii.  i.  85. 

21,  22.  Spoken  somewhat  confusedly  (as  he  is  agitated),  but  the 
sense  is  that  if  Caesar  is  destined  to  return  alive  he,  Cassius,  will 
not :  one  or  other  must  perish. 

22.  be  constant,  control  yourself;  cf.  11.  4.  6. 

24.  change,  i.e.  countenance. 

25,  26.  Cf.  North's  Plutarch:  Trebonius...drew  Antonius  aside, 
as  he  came  into  the  house  where  the  Senate  sat,  and  held  him  with  a 
long  talk  without"  (i.e.  outside) — p.  118. 

27.  Metellus  Cimber.    See  Extract  23  (lines  4,  5)  from  Plutarch. 

28.  presently,  at  once;  see  142,  and  cf.  *  present'  in  ii.  2.  5, 
prefer,  put  forward,  m.ake;  cf.  'to  prefer  a  claim.' 

29.  address' dy  ready ;  see  G. 

30.  your ;  we  should  expect  his,  but  the  pronoun  is  attracted  to 
*'you  are';  he  might  have  written    rear  your."    rears,  raises. 

32.  Again  Caesar  shows  what  little  respect  he  has  for  ''''his  Senate," 
putting  himself  first;  cf.  ii.  2.  67,  note. 

35.  prevent,  i.e.  stop  him  from  kneeling. 

36.  C'Ouchings,  stoopings;  see  G. 

37.  38.  i.e.  an  ordinary  man  might  be  moved  by  such  supplication 
and  change  a  rule  and  previous  decision ;  but  not  Caesar. 

39.  law  of  children;  Johnson  corrected  the  reading  lane  of  the  ist 
FoUo.    'Laws  such  as  children  might  make  and  then  change.' 

39,  40.  fond  to  think,  i.e.  so  foolish  as  to  think. 

fond,  see  G.    bears... blood;  cf.  II.  i.  136,  137. 

43.    Cf.  Othello,  I.  I.  45,  "a  duteous  and  knee-crooking  knave." 

spaniel  fawning,  Cf.  Antony's  taunt  to  Brutus  and  Cassius,  V.  i.  41, 
42.  spaniel;  a  type  of  fawning  submissiveness ;  cf.  A  Mi d summer- Nigh  f  s 
Dream,  II.  i.  205,  "  Use  me  but  as  your  spaniel,  spurn  me,  strike  me." 

47,  48.    See  Appendix,  p.  197. 

51.  repealing,  recalliiig  from  exile;  cf.  54  and  see  G. 

52.  not  in  flattery ;  said  in  allusion  to  Caesar's  words  in  42,  43. 
57.    enfranchisetnentf  restoration  to  his  rights,  i.e.  almost=' repeal' 

sc.  I.] 



in  54.  So  in  Richard  II.  ill.  3.  114,  Bolingbroke  (whom  Richard  had 
banished)  pretends  that  he  only  asks  for  *  enfranchisement.' 

59.  *  If  /  could  pray  in  order  to  move  others,  I  might  myself  be 
moved  by  prayer.'  move,  to  make  an  impression  on,  touch  the  feelings  of. 

60.  constant,  firm  ;  cf.  72,  73.  the  northern  star,  the  pole-star ; 
the  ''^ever-fixed  mark  That  looks  on  tempests  and  is  never  shaken'''* 
(Sonnet  116). 

It  is  fine  "irony"  of  situation  that  Csesar  uses  this  boastful  language 
when  on  the  very  brink  of  destruction:  **the  death-blows  of  the  con- 
spirators are  a  tragically  ironical  retort  to  such  pretensions." — Boas, 

62,  63.  fellow,  equal,    unnumbered,  innumerable  ;  see  G. 

65.    doth  hold,  i.e.  who  doth  keep  to,  retain ;  see  i.  3.  138,  note. 

67.    apprehensive,  gifted  with  intelligence,  power  of  apprehending. 

69.  holds  on  his  rank,  keeps  his  post,  maintains  his  position. 

70.  Unshak'd  of  motion,  not  disturbed  by  any  motion,  i.e.  firm, 
steady.    of=hy;  cf.  "  belov'd  ^Caesar,"  11.  i.  156. 

74.  Olympus,  the  mountain  in  Thessaly  on  which  the  deities  of 
Greek  mythology  were  supposed  to  dwell ;  proverbial  for  height  (cf.  iv. 
3.  92).  To  try  to  '  lift '  Olympus  would  not  be  more  useless  than  to  try 
to  '  move'  Caesar  from  his  resolve  !    Yet  contrast  Scene  2  of  Act  II. 

75.  76.    Cf.  V.  1.  39 — 44.    bootless,  in  vain;  see  G. 

If  it  is  vain  for  even  the  ** well-beloved"  Brutus  to  kneel,  how 
much  more  for  the  others. 

76.  Speak,  hands,  for  me,  Casca  will  not  go  on  pleading  with 
words,  like  Cinna  and  Decius.  He  is  the  first  to  strike,  thus  justifying 
what  Cassius  said  of  him,  i.  a.  301,  302;  note  that  Brutus  (Caesar's 
friend)  is  the  last.    See  Extract  23  (lines  11 — 17)  from  Plutarch. 

77.  Et  tu.  Brute,    See  Appendix,  p.  199. 

80.  pulpits,  platforms;  see  note  on  84.  The  Latin  word  for  a  plat- 
form for  orators  was  tribunal  or  suggestus  (and  suggestuvi).  Lat. 
piilpitum  was  used  more  of  a  stage  for  actors.  Pulpit,  however,  i? 
the  word  in  North's  Plutarch. 

82 — 98.    See  Extract  24  from  Plutarch. 

83.  ambition's  debt;  cf.  his  speech  in  the  next  Scene. 

84.  Go... Brutus,  The  other  conspirators  always  shelter  themselves 
under  his  authority ;  cf.  120,     Brutus  shall  lead" ;  seel.  3.  157 — 162. 

In  and  around  the  Forum  there  were  several  platforms  or  tribunalia 
from  which  orators  spoke.  The  chief  of  these  platforms  was  the 
Rostra;  cf.  ''Uhe  pulpit,"  i.e.  the  platform  par  excellence,  in  this  line  and 
in  229,  236,  250.    It  was  called  the  Rostra  because  at  the  end  (B.C.  338) 



[act  III. 

of  the  great  Latin  war  the  bronze  beaks  (rostra)  of  the  ships  of  the 
Latins  which  the  Romans  captured  in  the  battle  at  Antlum  were 
fastened  along  the  front  of  the  platform  as  a  memorial  of  the  victory. 
Julius  Csesar  rebuilt  the  Rostra  just  before  his  death,  and  it  was  on  this 
new  Rostra — a  platform  about  80  feet  in  length — that  he  refused  the 
crown  offered  by  Antony  (i.  2)  and  that  afterwards,  by  the  irony  of 
fortune,  his  bleeding  body  was  shown  to  the  crowd  (ill.  2). 

85.  Publius^  see  ii.  2.  108,  note. 

86.  utterly  overcome,  viutiny;  any  insurrection,  tumult 
(not  merely  of  soldiers);  cf.  iii.  2.  127.    Akin  to  F.  efiieute^  riot. 

91.  Nor.., no;  the  emphatic  negative;  cf.  ii.  i.  231,  237. 

92.  lest  that;  that  was  often  added  to  conjunctions  without  affecting 
the  sense;  cf.  *  though  that^  *if  that,^  Svhen  that^  (iii.  1.  96).  There 
may  be  an  ellipse  in  such  cases,  e.g.  '  lest  it  be  the  case  that.' 

94.  abide,  bear  the  consequences  of ;  see  G. 

95.  But  we;  here  but  is  a  conjunction,  and  there  is  an  ellipse:  *let 
no  man  abide  the  deed,  except  that  we  the  doers  abide  it.'  In  old 
English  but=.  'except'  was  a  preposition,  followed  by  the  dative:  cf.  the 
colloquial  use  now,  e.g.  'no  one  went  but  meJ*  In  literary  English  we 
prefer  '  no  one  but  /' :  that  is  to  say,  in  writing  we  treat  but  as  a  con- 
junction, as  Shakespeare  did — not  as  a  preposition.  From  A.S.  be,  by-f 
utan,  outside;  'outside  of  implies  'excepted  from.' 

96.  fltw^^V;  a  stronger  word  then  than  now;  *  confounded  by.' 
98.    doovisday ;  see  G. 

98 — ICQ.    It  is  characteristic  of  Brutus  that  he  should  be  perfectly 
calm  and  begin  to  philosophise  instead  of  doing  something  practical. 
100.    sta7td  upon^  trouble  about,  think  so  much  of ;  cf.  II.  2.  13. 
105 — 121.    See  Extract  25  from  Plutarch. 

107.  swords.  In  North's  Plutarch  the  weapons  of  the  conspirators 
are  variously  described  as  **swords  and  daggers^"*',  cf.  ill.  2.  178, 
"Cassius'  dagger."  No  doubt,  each  used  a  dagger  [pugio)  such  as  could 
be  concealed  under  the  toga,  not  a  sword  which  would  have  been 
detected  at  once.  Chaucer,  Monkes  Tale,  716  (see  p.  196,  where  the 
stanza  is  quoted)  and  several  of  our  old  writers  say  that  Caesar  was  slain 
with  "bodkins,"  and  "bodkin"  is  the  word  used  for  'dagger'  in 
Ilajulet^  III.  I.  76. 

114.  in  sport,  i.e.  on  the  stage.  Shakespeare's  was  not  the  only 
play  on  the  subject;  see  p.  xv. 

115.  i.e.  stretched  out  ('along')  at  the  foot  of  Pompey's  statue;  see 
Appendix,  p.  197.   basis^  the  pedestal  of  the  statue.   Caesar  himself  had 



caused  the  statues  of  Pompey  which  were  thrown  down  after  the  battle 
of  Pharsalia  to  be  set  up  again. 

117,  118.  Especially  at  the  French  Revolution  was  the  example  of 
these  tyrannicides  often  quoted.  The  name  *  Brutus '  has  become  a 
synonym  for  stern  patriotism  and  love  of  liberty. 

121.  most  boldest ;  cf.  ill.  2.  187,  and  see  p.  202. 

122.  This  is  the  turning-point  of  the  play.  The  fortune  of  the 
conspirators,  hitherto  in  the  ascendant,  now  declines,  while  "  Cgesar's 
spirit"  surely  and  steadily  prevails  against  them. 

131,  132.    *  And  be  informed  why  Caesar  deserved  to  be  slain.' 
136.    Thorough^  see  G.    this  untrod  state ^  this  new  state  of  affairs. 

139.  worse^  less,  i.e.  than  "wise  and  valiant";  contrast  il.  i.  188. 

140.  so,  provided  that,  please  him;  for  the  impersonal  construction 
cf.  *if  you  please' =  *if  it  please  j<72/'  (the  dative).  On  these  impersonal 
constructions  see  methinks  in  the  'Glossary.' 

141.  be  satisfied^  receive  a  satisfactory  explanation  ;  cf.  III.  2.  i. 
The  self-centred  Brutus  seems  to  think  that  others  must  look  at 

things  from  his  point  of  view  and  be  satisfied  with  his  **  reasons." 

144,  145.    a  mind  that  fears  him;  cf.  II.  i.  155 — 161. 

145,  146.  *  My  misgivings  often  turn  out  only  too  true.'  still, 
constantly,  ever,  falls,  falls  out,  comes  to  pass ;  cf.  243.  shrewdly;  see  G. 

150.    this;  pointing  to  the  body;  cf.  Gk.  o5e  (deictic  use  of). 

152.  be  let  blood,  have  his  blood  shed,  rank,  too  full  of  blood. 
The  whole  idea  (from  surgery)  is  suggested  to  Antony  by  the  sight  of 
the  bleeding  corpse  of  Caesar. 

157.  Originally  ye  was  used  for  the  nominative  alone,  you  for  the 
objective  cases.  Shakespeare  does  not  observe  this  distinction,  but  we 
find  it  kept  in  the  Bible;  oi.  John  xv.  16,  '*  Ye  have  not  chosen  me,  but 
I  have  chosen  you."    bear  me  hard;  cf.  I.  2.  317,  ii.  i.  215. 

158.  purpled ;  for  its  application  (=*red')  to  blood  see  G. 
159,160.    Live. ..I shall.    *  If  I  live,  I  shall  not.'    apt,  xtzAy, 

161.  mean;  Shakespeare  often  has  the  singular.  The  Elizabethan 
usage  differs  from  the  modem  in  respect  of  a  good  many  words;  cf. 
'behaviours'  (i.  2.  42),  'applauses'  (i.  2.  133),  'funerals'  (v.  3.  105), 
'hilts'  (v.  3.  43).  In  each  instance  we  should  write  the  singular, 
whereas  with  'mean'  we  reverse  the  case  and  write  'means.' 

162.  by  Ccesar,  near  Coesar;  cf.  ^ ^  no  place, 161. 
168.    business,  work. 

170.  the  general  wro7ig ;  see  II.  i.  12,  note. 

171.  Pity  for  Rome  stifled  their  pity  for  Caesar.    The  proverb  that 


JULIUS  C^SAR.  [act  III. 

**fire  drives  out  fire"  is  referred  to  more  than  once  by  Shakespeare;  cf. 
Coriolanus^  iv.  7.  54,  "One  fire  drives  out  one  fire;  one  nail,  one  nail." 

Scan  the  first  (but  not  the  second)  fire  as  two  syllables;  when  a 
word  occurs  twice  in  a  line  or  in  neighbouring  lines  its  scansion  is  often 
varied  thus.  Monosyllables  containing  diphthongs  or  broad  vowels 
(e.g.  sleep,  sweety  moon,  cold)  or  with  a  vowel  followed  by  r  (e.g.  hour, 
lord^  hard)  may  take  the  place  of  a  whole  foot,  since  they  allow  the 
voice  to  rest  on  them.  This  rule  will  sometimes  explain  the  apparent 
want  of  a  syllable;  cf,  mark=^2  syllables  in  ill.  i.  18. 

173.    leaden,  i.e.  not  sharp. 

.173 — 175.  in  strength  of  malice.  This  is  the  reading  of  the  ist 
Folio:  it  is  probably  corrupt;  but  none  of  the  correciions  seems  to 
give  what  Shakespeare  really  wrote,  and  in  such  cases  it  is  best,  I  think, 
to  keep  to  the  Folio,  and  recognise  that  we  have  lost  the  true  reading. 
Grant  White,  believing  the  Folio  to  be  right,  explains:  "our  arms,  even 
in  the  intensity  of  their  hatred  to  Ccesar''s  tyranny,  and  our  hearts  in 
their  brotherly  love  to  all  Romans,  do  receive  you  in."  That  seems  the 
best  interpretation  of  the  text  as  it  stands. 

Among  the  emendations  are  exempt  from  malice";  "in  strength  of 
a7nity'^  \  and  ''^no  strength  of  malice" — the  text  then  reading: 

**To  you  our  swords  have  leaden  points,  Mark  Antony, 
Our  arms  no  strength  of  malice;  and  our  hearts"  etc. 
Many  editors  adopt  this  last  reading;  but,  as  Hudson  justly  objects,  the 
rhythm  of  the  passage  seems  to  require  that  "  the  words  our  arms,  etc. 
should  be  construed  with  what  follows,  not  with  what  precedes." 

177,  178.  With  customary  shrewdness  Cassius  appeals  to  the 
cupidity  and  ambition  of  Antony,  knowing  that  the  fine  sentiments  of 
Brutus  will  have  no  effect  upon  him.  We  shall  see  that  Antony  does 
afterwards  use  to  the  full  the  opportunities  which  Caesar's  death  gives 
him,  e.g.  to  ^proscribe'  his  personal  foes. 
181.    deliver,  declare. 

183.  proceeded^  acted. 

184.  render^  give. 

189.  last^  7iot  least;  a  proverbial  phrase,  found  in  works  earlier  than 
this  play,  e.g.  in  Spenser's  Colin  ClotUs  Come  Ho7ne  Again  (1595). 
Lear  addresses  Cordelia  as  "Although  the  last,  not  least"  of  his  daughters 
(l.  I.  85).    See  too  Paradise  Lost,  III.  277,  278. 

192.    conceit,  judge;  cf.  I.  3.  162. 

196.  Here,  as  in  148,  he  turns  to  the  dead  body  of  Caesar  (cf.  219), 
and  the  sight  makes  him  forget  that  he  speaks  amid  foes. 

sc.  I.]  NOTES.  127 

196.  dearer  than^  more  bitterly  than;  cf.  *to  hate  dearly,'  As  You 
Like  It^  I.  3.  35.  Elizabethans  apply  the  adjective  dear  to  that  which 
affects  a  person  much,  touches  him  closely;  cf.  Richard  III.  v.  2.  21, 
"his  dearest  need"  (where  the  quartos  read  '^greatest 

204.    bayd^  driven  to  bay,  like  a  stag  ("hart");  see  G. 

206.  *  Stained  by  their  havoc  of  thee  and  red  with  thy  blood.' 
lethe^  death;  from  Lat.  letum.  Steevens  says,  *' Lethe  is  used  by  many 

of  the  old  translators  of  novels  for  deaths  According  to  Capell,  it  is 
**a  term  used  by  hunters  to  signify  the  blood  shed  by  a  deer  at  its  fall, 
with  which  it  is  still  a  custom  to  mark  those  who  come  in  at  the 
death."  Some  editors  would  connect  it  here  with  Lethe^  the  river 
of  the  infernal  world  whose  waters  caused  forgetfulness ;  and  explain 
"Crimson'd  in  the  stream  that  bears  thee  to  oblivion."  Others  change 
the  text  to  death. 

207.  208.  hart... heart.  We  have  the  same  word-play  in  Twelfth 
Nighty  I.  I.  17,  18.  On  the  force  of  these  verbal  quibbles  see  I.  2.  156 
(note  on  Rome... room), 

208.  The  Roman  power  was  almost  world-wide  and  Caesar  had 
been  the  central,  animating  force  of  Rome :  hence  he  might  be  called 
the    heart,"  i.e.  the  vital  part,  the  very  core,  of  the  world. 

212,  213.  thisy  i.e.  what  he  has  just  said  about  Caesar.  From 
Caesar's  friend  it  is  faint  praise :  even  his  foes  will  say  as  much  in  his 
honour,    modesty^  moderation.  « 

215.  Scan  compact y  the  Latin  accent  (co?npdctum).  The  influence 
of  Latin  affects  the  accentuation  of  many  words  in  Shakespeare. 

216.  prick'' d,  marked  down;  see  IV.  i.  i,  and  compare  the  ex- 
pression to  '  prick  the  list '  which  is  still  applied  to  the  selection  of  the 
high-sheriffs  of  counties. 

217.  shall  we  on?  shall  we  proceed  on  our  course? 

218.  Therefore^  for  that  purpose,  viz.  to  be  set  down  as  your  friend. 
221.    Upon^  conditionally  upon,  or  '  relying  on.' 

224.    reasons;  cf.  141,  note,    regard^  consideration,  weight. 

228.  produce;  in  the  literal  sense  *  bring  forth'  {\.dX.  produce  re). 

229,  230.  An  allusion  to  the  ancient  custom  at  Rome  that  when  a 
distinguished  man  died  a  eulogy  of  his  merits,  laudatio  funebris,  should 
be  spoken  at  the  funeral.  The  funeral  procession  came  into  the  Forum 
and  stopped  before  the  Rostra  (*'the  pulpit"),  from  which  a  near  relation 
of  the  deceased  delivered  the  laudatio.  At  the  public  funeral  of  a  man 
of  very  great  distinction  the  delivery  of  the  laudatio  was  often  assigned 
to  a  magistrate  :  hence  Antony,  as  Consul  and  "friend"  (229)  of  Caesar, 




had  a  double  claim  to  speak  in  the  order  of  his  funeral. "  Very  similar 
to  the  laudafio  is  the  French  4loge. 

230.  in  the  order  of^  in  the  course  of  the  execution  of. 

231.  Yoti  shall.  This  is  the  second  great  mistake  that  Brutus 
makes,  the  first  being  his  refusal  to  let  Antony  be  slain  along  with  Csesar 
(11.  I.  162  et  seq.),  Cassius  again  (231 — 235)  shows  his  practical  sense 
by  protesting.    See  Extract  27  from  Plutarch. 

241.  true^  rightful,  proper;  due  is  a  needless  change. 

242.  wrong,  harm, 

243.  fall,  happen. 

251,  252.  Antony  may  well  be  content  with  this  arrangement  since 
it  leaves  him  the  last  word.  Speaking  after  Brutus,  he  soon  undoes 
the  whole  effect  of  Brutus's  speech. 

257.    tide,  course  ;  the  metaphor  of  the  sea's  ebb  and  flow. 

262.  limbs,  bodies ;  the  thought  is  suggested  perhaps  by  the  presence 
of  Caesar's  body ;  cf.  too  the  curses  of  physical  evil  and  ailment  which 
Lear  invokes  on  Goneril,  e.g.  Lear,  ii.  4.  165,  166.  Changes  such  as 
sons,  minds,  times  (which  lose  the  alliteration)  seem  needless. 

263,  264.  Historically  true.  From  44  B.C.  to  the  battle  of  Actium 
31  B.C.  Rome — i.e.  not  "the  parts  of  Italy"  alone  but  the  whole  empire 
from  east  to  west — knew  no  peace ;  and  when  peace  and  settled  govern- 
ment did  come  it  was  not  under  a  republic.  The  conspirators  prevented 
Caesar  from  being  *rex':  his  heir  became  *  imperator.' 

265.  in  use,  customary. 

266.  dreadful  objects.  Within  a  year  Antony  himself  caused  the 
head  and  hands  of  Cicero,  one  of  his  chief  victims  (iv.  3.  178),  to  be  fixed 
on  the  front  of  the  Rostra,  from  which  Cicero  had  delivered  his  great 
Philippic  orations  against  Antony. 

269.  choked,  being  choked,  fell,  see  G. 

270.  Ccesar's  spirit.  Cf.  iv.  3.  275—287,  v.  3.  94 — 96,  v. 
5-  50- 

271.  Ate,  the  goddess  of  mischief,  a  power  that  led  men  blindly  into 
rash  deeds.  Cf.  King John,  ii.  i.  63,  An  Ate,  stirring  him  to  blood  and 
strife."  This  was  the  original  conception  of  Ate  in  Greek  mythology  ; 
afterwards  she  came  to  be  regarded  as  the  power  (cf.  Nemesis)  which 
punished  rather  than  caused  foolish  action. 

from  hell;  according  to  classical  legend  Ate  was  hurled  from  Olympus 
into  hell  by  Zeus  because  she  had  persuaded  him  into  a  rash  act  of 
which  he  afterv/ards  repented  ;  cf.  "the  infernal  Ate,"  Much  Ado  About 
Nothing,  II.  I.  263. 

sc.  II.] 



272.  monarcJis;  i.e.  after  all,  Caesar  will  be  "king" — in  death, 
though  foiled  of  the  crown  in  life. 

273'    Cry    Havoc proclaim  carnage  and  destruction  ;  see  G. 

ihe  dogs  of  war^  viz.  famine,  sword,  fire ;  the  metaphor  is  from 
coursing,  in  which  to  **let  slip  "is  the  technical  term  for  unleashing  the 
greyhounds.    Cf.  Henry  V,  i.  chorus,  6 — 8  i 

**at  his  heels, 

Leash'd  in  like  hounds,  should  famine,  sword  and  fire 
Crouch  for  employment." 

274.  That^  so  that. 

275.  carrion  inen^  i.e.  dead  bodies  ;  cai^rion,  see  G. 

276.  Octaviiis  Ccesar,  the  great  nephew  of  Caesar;  afterwards  the 
Emperor  Augustus  ;  nominated  in  Caesar's  will  as  his  heir.  He  was 
then  at  Apollonia  in  Illyria  whither  Caesar  had  sent  him  in  45  B.C.  to 
study  under  Greek  masters.    He  did  not  really  come  to  Rome  till  May. 

283.    Passion,  grief ;  see  G.    A  character  in  Antony  and  Cleopatra 
(ill.  2.  54,  55)  alludes  to  Antony's  weeping  over  Caesar's  dead  body. 
286.    lies^  halts,  rests. 

289.    No  Rome  of  safety  ;  perhaps  repeating  the  pun  in  I.  2.  156. 

294,  295.  issue;  "that  which  proceeds  from  a  man;  action, 
deed" — Schmidt.  the  which;  referring  to  **how  the  people  take" 
(293).    For  the  which  (more  definite  than  which)  cf.  F.  lequeL 

Scene  2. 

Details  based  on  Plutarch,  i.  The  speech  of  Brutus.  2.  The 
funeral  oration  of  Antony  over  the  dead  body  of  Caesar,  whose  blood- 
stained robe  and  wounds  he  shows  to  the  crowd.  3.  The  reading  of 
the  will.  4.  The  *' mutiny  and  rage"  of  the  crowd  against  the 
conspirators.    5.    Arrival  of  Octavius  and  flight  of  Brutus  and  Cassius. 

The  Forum ^  i.e.  the  Forum  Romanum^  the  first  and  chief  of  the 
Fora ;  in  the  later  times  of  the  republic  called  Forum  Vetus  or  Magnum 
to  distinguish  it  from  others.  It  was  a  quadrangular  space  of  about 
4^  acres  in  the  heart  of  Rome,  surrounded  by  great  public  buildings, 
such  as  the  Curia  Hostilia  where  the  Senate  commonly  met.  Political 
assemblies  were  held  in  the  Forum  and  judicial  proceedings  transacted 
there,  and  it  was  altogether  the  great  centre  of  Roman  business  and 
life.    The  word  is  connected  with  forts,  *out  of  doors.' 

I — 52.    See  Extract  26  from  Plutarch  for  Brutus's  speech. 

4.    part  the  numbers^  divide  the  crowd. 

10.    severally,  separately,  rendered;  3  syllables,  as  in  7. 




12 — 38.  This  speech  of  Brutus  should  be  compared  carefully  with 
Antony's  (78  et  seq.).  They  are  designed  by  Shakespeare  to  present 
strong  contrasts :  between  prose  and  poetry ;  between  reason  to  which 
the  cold  arguments  of  Brutus  are  addressed,  and  emotion  on  which  the 
moving  eloquence  of  Antony  plays  ;  between  the  force  of  an  abstract 
principle  like  patriotism  and  the  influence  of  a  personality  like  Caesar's. 

With  regard  to  the  bare  curtness  of  the  style  of  the  speech  Warburton 
thought  that  Shakespeare  meant  it  to  be  an  "imitation  of  his  (Brutus's) 
famed  laconic  brevity,"  to  which  Plutarch  alludes.  As  an  example 
Plutarch  quotes  a  letter  which  Brutus  wrote  :  **  Your  councils  be  long, 
your  doings  be  slow,  consider  the  end  "  (North,  p.  107). 

13.  lovers i  close  friends;  cf.  49,  v.  i.  95.  So  in  Psalm  Ixxxviii. 
18,  "Lover  and  friend  hast  thou  put  far  from  me." 

15.  mine  honour^  i.e.  honourable  name  and  reputation. 

16.  censure,  judge  ;  see  G.  Note  the  purely  intellectual  tone  of  his 
address — "censure,"  "wisdom,"  "judge;"  no  stirring  of  passions. 

33.    rude^  uncivilised  ;  or  '  destitute  of  feeling.' 

41.  question;  often  used  in  the  sense  '  subject,  matter,'  and  so  here 
=  ' circumstance..'    enrolled,  recorded. 

42.  extenuated,  undervalued ;  the  ordinary  sense  is  'to  palliate,  make 
light  of  (from  Lat.  tenuis), 

43.  enforced^  emphasised,  laid  stress  upon.  Cf.  Antony  and  Cleo- 
pat7'a,  V.  2.  125,  **We  wall  extenuate  rather  than  enforce" 

Enter  Antony,    Brutus  had  said  to  him  "follow  us  "  (ill.  i.  253). 
48.    With  thiSy  i.e.  statement — '  with  these  words.* 

54.  Bring,  escort ;  cf.  i.  3.  i. 

55.  a  statue  ;  see  I.  3.  146. 

56.  57.  Let  him  he  Casar.., crown'' d  in  Brutus.  No  words  could 
well  be  more  distasteful  to  Brutus.  He  has  just  told  the  citizens  that 
patriotism  alone  led  him  to  "  rise  against  Csesar,"  and  here  he  is  treated 
as  if  he  were  an  ambitious  schemer  who  for  his  own  advantage  had  struck 
down  a  rival.  The  crowd  all  through  ignore  principles  and  care  only 
for  persons — now  Pompey,  now  Caesar,  now  Brutus,  now  Antony — and 
their  favour  is  readily  transferred  from  the  philosophic  Brutus  who  does 
not  understand  them  to  the  practical  Antony  who  does. 

60.  let  me  depart  alone  ;  here  he  makes  his  third  great  mistake,  viz. 
in  leaving  Antony  to  say  what  he  likes  and  have  the  last  word.  Antony 
sets  himself  to  remove  the  impression  left  by  the  speech  of  Brutus, 
gradually  wins  the  crowd  over,  and  works  them  up  into  a  blind  rage 
of  revenge  against  the  conspirators. 

sc.  Il.j 


63.    tending  to^  bearing  upon.    Some  read  glory, 
66.    save^  see  G. 

68.    the  public  chair^  i.e.  the  pulpit  or  Rostra  from  which  Brutus  has 
just  spoken;  see  III.  i.  84,  note. 
70.    beholding^  obliged  ;  see  G. 

78.  Antony's  main  purpose  is  to  bring  the  citizens  over  to  his  side 
(which  is  Csesar's,  since  he  now  represents  the  cause  of  the  Dictator),  and 
to  fill  them  with  resentment  against  the  conspirators.  The  great  feature 
of  the  speech  regarded  as  a  piece  of  oratory  is  the  gradual  persuasion 
with  which  he  wins  the  sympathy  of  the  crowd.  He  has  just  heard  them 
shout  "Live,  Brutus  !"  :  they  are  therefore  a  hostile  audience.  Hence 
he  has  to  be  very  cautious  at  first  and  feel  his  way.  Slowly  he  smooths 
the  hostility,  perceives  with  the  instinct  of  the  true  orator  the  effect  of 
his  words,  and  at  last  when  the  audience  are  conquered,  merely  plays 
upon  their  passions  like  a  musician  on  a  key-board. 

The  general  drift  of  the  speech  and  scene  may  be  roughly  summarised 
thus  : — Antony  disclaims  any  intention  to  praise  Csesar :  replies  to  the 
charge  that  Csesar  was  ambitious  and  touches  on  Caesar's  services  to  the 
state,  and  sympathy  with  the  poor  :  asks  why  the  citizens  may  not  at 
least  mourn  for  Csesar  and  says  that  they  certainly  would  mourn — aye, 
"kiss  dead  Caesar's  wounds" — did  they  know  the  contents  of  Csesar's 
w^ill  which  shows  how  much  he  loved  them :  feigns  unwillingness  to  read 
the  will  for  which  the  citizens  now  clamour;  consents  to  do  so,  yet 
delays,  holding  up  the  blood-stained,  mangled  robe  of  Csesar  and  at  last 
uncovering  the  body  itself  to  their  sight :  thus,  appealing  to  the  eye  as 
well  as  to  the  ear,  inflames  them  against  the  conspirators,  yet  pretends 
that  he  has  no  desire  to  wrong  those  "honourable  men":  and  at  length 
reads  out  the  will,  on  hearing  which  the  rage  of  the  crowd  becomes  so 
uncontrollable  that  they  rush  off  to  "  fire  the  traitors'  houses." 

79.  7tot  to  praise  him.  Yet  the  whole  idea  of  the  custom  of  funeral 
speeches  was  that  the  dead  man  should  be  eulogised  (see  ill.  r.  229,  230, 
note),  and  Brutus  expressly  said  that  Antony's  speech  would  *'  tend  to 
Caesar's  glories"  (63) ;  see  also  ill.  i.  246.  Antony,  however,  sees  that 
the  sympathy  of  the  crowd  is  with  the  conspirators :  if  he  began 
straightway  to  praise  Csesar  openly  he  would  appear  to  condemn  Brutus 
and  the  others,  and  this  the  citizens  would  resent.  So  he  pretends  I 
come  not  to  praise  Csesar,"  and  then,  under  cover  of  this  profession, 
really  proceeds  to  do  so ;  and  the  crowd  have  not  the  wit  to  see  how 
they  have  been  tricked. 

83.    Scan  ambitious  as  two  feet  by  making  -tious  two  syllables,  like 




[act  III. 

the  noun-ending  lion  in  some  places,  e.g.  in  i.  2.  301  (see  note  there). 
As  a  rule,  i  or  e  is  merged  in  a  following  vowel. 

84.  were;  the  subjunctive  implies  doubt. 

85.  answered  it^  paid  for  it. 

87,  88.  At  first  these  compliments  are  meant  to  please  the  crowd 
who  will  hear  "no  harm"  of  Brutus  (73).  Later  the  praise  is  a  test 
whether  they  are  changing,  and  then  it  becomes  ironical  and  serves  to 
infuriate  them  against  the  conspirators;  cf.  158.  The  repetition  is  meant 
to  have  an  irritating  effect ;  cf.  Menenius's  taunts  in  Coriolamis^  IV.  6. 

93,  94.  Cf.  I.  I.  37,  where  Marullus  used  the  same  argument, 
against  Caesar.    He  and  Antony  know  the  way  to  appeal  to  a  crowd, 

94.  the  general  coffers,  the  state  treasury. 

ICQ — 102.    See  I.  2.  220 — 252.    The  Lupejxal^  i.e.  the  feast  of. 
102.    did  refuse;  yet    would  fain  have  had  it,"  so  Casca  thought. 
108.    to  mown,  from  mourning  ;  a  gerund. 
III.    there ;  pointing  to  the  coffin  ;  cf.  124. 

113 — 122.  The  citizens  are  already  veering  round.  One  aspect  of 
fulms  Ccesar  is  its  representation  of  the  fickleness  of  the  people.  Cf. 
the  crowd,  misled  by  the  Tribunes,  in  Coriolanus,  In  each  play  the 
Roman is  treated  too  much  "as  an  Elizabethan  mob." — Boas, 

1 19.    abide  it,  pay  for  it ;  as  in  III.  i.  96. 

125.    *And  none  is  so  lowly  as  to  pay  him  reverence.' 

I35»  1 3^*  says  enough  to  whet  their  curiosity  but  Avithholds  the 
will  till  they  have  been  worked  up  to  the  highest  pitch  of  excitement. 

138.    See  II.  2.  88,  89,  note,    napkins,  handkerchiefs;  see  G. 

147.    Cf.  I.  I.  40,  "You  blocks,  you  stones." 

150,  151.  He  takes  care  to  let  them  know  that  they  are  Caesar's 
heirs.  Observe  the  slow  deliberate  rhythm  due  to  the  use  of  mono- 
syllables. Antony  speaks  in  this  drawling  way  so  as  to  tantalize  the 
crowd,  whose  impatience  to  hear  the  will  increases  every  moment. 

155.    overshot  myself,  gone  too  far. 

158.    The  citizens  have  changed  round  without  knowing  anything 
definite  ;  they  have  only  Antony's  word  as  to  the  contents  of  the  will. 
169.    hearse^  cofiin  ;  see  G. 
173 — 201.    See  Extract  28  from  Plutarch. 

173.  Here  the  contrast  between  the  two  speakers — Brutus  and 
Antony — becomes  very  striking.  Brutus  urges  the  principle  of  patriotism, 
Antony  the  personal  merits  of  Caesar.  With  the  majority  of  men,  since 
they  act  by  the  heart  not  the  head,  a  person  will  always  prove  a  stronger 
motive  than  a  principle  or  theory ;  and  so  Antony  wins  the  day  by 

sc.  II.] 


reminding  the  people  of  Coesar's  past  services  to  the  state,  and  invoking 
their  pity  for  him.  Observe  that  the  citizens  have  quite  forgotten 
Caesar's  ambition  (over  which  Antony  passed  as  lightly  as  possible),  and 
also  the  will. 

177.  That  day^  on  the  day  on  which.  The  great  battle  in  which 
Csesar  "overcame  the  NerviV^  (the  most  warlike  tribe  of  north-western 
Gaul)  was  the  battle  of  the  Sambre,  B.C.  57.  The  Roman  army  almost 
suffered  terrible  defeat  and  escaped  it  mainly  by  the  coolness  and  courage 
of  Caesar  himself.  In  Plutarch's  account  of  Caesar's  campaigns  this 
victory  stands  out  prominently ;  he  says  that  the  thanksgivings  and 
rejoicings  at  Rome  were  such  as  had  not  been  held  '*for  any  victory 
that  was  ever  obtained"  (North,  p.  61). 

178 — 180.  In  particularising  the  "  rents"  he  draws,  of  course,  on  his 
imagination  :  he  was  not  even  present  at  the  murder  (ill.  i.  25,  -26). 

179.  envious y  malicious. 

180.  well-beloved^  i.e.  by  Caesar;  cf.  186. 

183.    As^  as  though,    resolved,  informed;  cf.  in.  i.  131. 
185.    angel,  favourite,  his  well-beloved:  an  old  title  of  endearment. 
Others  interpret  it  'guardian  spirit';  cf.  note  on  11.  i.  66. 

187,  188.    most  unkindest ;  see  iii.  i.  i2t.  /^fTW-/-emphatic. 
189.    traitors' ;  hitherto    honourable  men." 

191.  in  his  mantle.  Cf.  Plutarch's  description  of  the  murder  : 
**when  he  [Caesar]  saw  Brutus  \vith  his  sword  drawn  in  his  hand, 
then  he  pulled  his  gown  over  his  head,  and  made  no  more  resistance." 
See  Extract  23  (lines  29,  30). 

192.  statue;  seen.  2.  76.    Fo?npefs ;  cf.  ill.  i.  115. 
198.    dint,  impression  :  see  G. 

200,  201.    Uncovering  the  body,    marred  with^  disfigured  by. 

217.  private  griefs,  personal  grievances  against  Caesar  ;  cf.  v.  5.  69, 
70.  But  he  knew  that  Brutus  did  not  act  from  personal  motives 
(v.  5.  71,  72).  Gradually  Antony  has  dropped  even  the  pretence  of 
keeping  his  promise  not  to  "  blame"  (ill.  i.  245)  the  conspirators.  At 
first  he  observed  it  nominally,  while  breaking  it  in  spirit. 

218.  Scan  *do't,'  and  '  they're,'  and  '  hon'rable.' 

221 — 234.    Of  course  ironical,  but  they  do  not  see  the  irony. 

223.    that  they  know,  viz.  that  he  is    a  plain  blunt  man." 

225.    wity  intelligence;  so  the  2nd  Folio  (1632);  the  ist  has  writ. 

229,  230.    Cf.  III.  I.  259,  260.    Echoed  in  Coriolaims,  11.  3.  6,  7. 

232,  233.    would,  who  would,    that,  so  that. 

245 — 256.    the  will.    See  Extract  27  from  Plutarch. 



[act  III. 

247.  The  drachma  was  the  chief  Greek  silver  coin,  worth  about 
a  French  franc  (lo^').  Plutarch  usually  reckons  in  Greek  money. 
In  Caesar's  will  the  amount  bequeathed  to  each  citizen,  viz.  not 
quite  was  given  in  sestei^Hi  (300),  i.e.  Roman  money.  Note 

that  in  the  next  Act  (iv.  i.  8,  9)  Antony  wants  to  cut  down  the 
legacies  charged  on  the  will.  As  a  matter  of  history,  the  payment  of 
them  fell  to  Octavius,  since  Antony  seized  and  squandered  much  of  the 
money  left  by  Caesar. 

254.  On  this  side.  Really  the  gardens  ('^orchards")  were  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Tiber,  i.e.  on  the  west  bank;  almost  the  whole  city  of 
ancient  Rome  (including  of  course  the  Forum  where  Antony  is  speaking) 
lay  on  the  east  bank.  Horace,  Satires  I.  9.  18,  refers  to  these 
gardens — Trans  Tiherim  longe  cuhat  is^rope  Ccssaris  hortos;  note  trans 
Tiber ini^  'across  the  Tiber.*  They  were  on  the  slope  of  the  Janiculan 
hill.  The  mistake  as  to  their  position  was  due  to  mistranslation  of 
Plutarch  by  the  French  writer  Amyot ;  North  copied  his  error,  and 
Shakespeare  borrowed  North's  very  words.   See  Extract  27  (last  4  lines). 

On  this  side ;  treated  as  a  preposition  like  *  inside,'  'outside,'  and  so 
governing  Tiber, 

255.  pleasttj'es,  sources  of  pleasure;  cf.  *  pleasure-ground,* 
257.    Cf.  Cy))ibeline^  ill.  i.  11,  12: 

**  There  be  many  Coesars, 
Ere  such  another  Julius." 
258 — 264.    See  Extract  29  from  Plutarch. 

259.  burn.  "The  Romans  in  the  most  ancient  times  buried  their  dead, 
though  they  also  early  adopted,  to  some  extent,  the  custom  of  burning... 
Burning,  however,  does  not  appear  to  have  become  general  till  the  later 
times  [i.e.  the  first  century  B.C.]  of  the  republic" — Dictionary  of 

in  the  holy  place.  Cf.  North's  Plutarch^  **They  burnt  it  [Caesar's 
body]  in  the  midst  of  the  most  holy  places"  (p.  112).  This  **holy 
place  "  was  in  the  Forum,  close  to  the  temple  of  Vesta  (the  very  heart 
of  Roman  religion).  Augustus  built  a  temple  to  Cxsar,  B.C.  42,  on  the 
site  of  the  burning. 

267.  The  prompt  (but  unhistorical,  see  ill.  i.  276,  note)  arrival  of 
Octavius  links  the  next  Act  more  closely  to  this,  and  also  illustrates  his 
decision  of  character.    See  Extract  30. 

271.    upon;  'following  upon';  so  'just  at  the  right  moment.' 

273.    him  ;  some  would  read  them^  i.e.  people  in  general. 

275.  probably.    W(9^/V<r      information  about. 

sc.  III.] 



Scene  3. 
See  Extract  31  from  Plutarch. 

The  Scene  serves  to  show  how  much  Antony  has  inflamed  the  citizens, 
and  to  ilhistrate  further  the  unfavourable  aspect  under  which  Shakespeare 
depicts  the  crowd  throughout.  In  the  acting  versions  of  the  play  the 
Scene  is  omitted.  From  the  point  of  view  of  stage-effect  the  real  climax 
of  the  Act  is  at  "what  course  thou  wilt,"  line  266  of  the  last  Scene;  and 
there  the  curtain  usually  falls. 

2.  unhickily ;  in  an  ill-omened  manner,  i.e.  so  as  to  foreshadow 
misfortune.    A  simpler  reading  would  be  the  ^<X]tQ,\\s^~ unlucky, 

charge  my  fantasy  y  fill  my  imagination. 

3.  110  willy  no  wish. 

10.    directly^  plainly,  without  quibbling;  of.  I.  i.  12. 

13.  You  were  best^  you  had  best.  This  idiom  represents  an 
impersonal  construction  changed  into  a  personal.  Thus  were  best  " 
(Cymbeliney  III.  6.  19)  would  in  earlier  English  have  been  ^^me  were 
best"=V^7  me  it  were  best.'  People  misunderstood  that  (i)  me^2Js.  a 
dative,  (2)  the  sentence  was  impersonal,  and  substituted  /  which  seemed 
more  correct.  The  impersonal  constructions  so  largely  used  in  Old 
English  were  becoming  less  familiar  to  the  Elizabethans. 

20.  bear  me^  get  from  me  ;  me  is  the  old  ethic  dative,  the  meaning 
of  which  is  shown  by  the  context — here  '■from  me. ' 

32.  The  poet  was  Helvius  Cinna,  whose  chief  work,  an  epic  entitled 
Sviyrna^  is  mentioned  by  Catullus  (Carmen  xcv).  Vergil  also  refers  to 
the  poet  in  Eclogue  IX.  35. 

33.  Tear  him  for  his  bad  verses,  Shakespeare  has  added  this 
pleasant  touch ;  there  is  no  hint  of  it  in  Plutarch. 

39.    turn  him  going,  send  him  packing ;  off  with  him  I 


Scene  1. 

Details  based  on  Plutarch,  i.  The  Conference  between  the 
Triumvirs.    2.   The  Proscriptions. 

Historically  this  interview  took  place  not  at  Rome  but  on  a  small 
island  in  the  river  Rhenus  near  Eononia  (the  modern  Bologna),  in  the 



JNovember  of  43  B.C.,  i.e.  more  than  eighteen  months  after  the  events 
recorded  in  the  last  Act. 

1.  prickedy  i.e.  marked  on  the  list;  see  ill.  i.  216. 

2.  Your  brother,  L.  ^milius  Faulus  Lepidus.  After  the  murdei 
of  Csesar,  Paulus  joined  the  senatorial  party.  He  was  one  of  the 
senators  who  declared  M.  Lepidus  a  public  enemy,  on  account  of  his 
having  joined  Antony;  and,  accordingly,  when  the  triumvirate  was 
formed,  his  name  was  set  down  first  in  the  proscription  list  by  his  own 
brother.  The  soldiers,  however,  who  were  appointed  to  kill  him, 
allowed  him  to  escape." — Classical  Dictionary, 

4,  5,  Plutarch  mentions  by  name  only  three  of  those  whose  lives 
were  proscribed  at  this  conference :  viz.  Paulus,  whom  his  brother 
Lepidus  condemned;  Cicero  (iv.  3.  178 — 180),  whose  death  Antony 
insisted  upon;  and  Lucius  Caesar,  an  uncle  of  Antony.  Shakespeare 
may  have  forgotten  the  name  of  this  third  victim  and  his  exact  relation- 
ship to  Antony,  i.e.  that  he  was  an  uncle,  not  nephew ;  and  may  have 
used  the  name  Publitis  (ii.  2.  108)  simply  because  it  was  common. 

6.    damn,  condemn  ;  as  he  speaks  he  marks  the  list. 

9.    i.e.  avoid  paying  all  the  legacies,    charge,  expense. 

12.    slight^  worthless,    tmmeritahle,  devoid  of  merit;  see  G. 

This  estimate  of  Lepidus  is  carried  out  in  Antony  and  Cleopatra 
(1608) ;  cf.  III.  5.  Similarly  the  references  in  Jttlius  Ccssar  (see  I.  2. 
204,  note)  to  Antony's  love  of  pleasure  anticipate  Shakespeare's 
representation  of  Antony  in  the  later  tragedy  as  a  voluptuary. 

14.  threefold;  alluding  to  Europe,  Africa,  Asia.  The  Triumvirs 
divided  among  themselves  the  provinces  of  the  empire.  After  the 
battle  of  Philippi  they  made  a  second  distribution  (b.c.  42). 

15,  16.  *That  was  your  opinion  of  him,  and  yet  you  accepted  his 
vote     voice")  as  to  who  should  be  put  to  death.* 

17.    Scan  proscription  as  four  syllables ;  cf.  I.  2.  301. 

The  Proscription  at  Rome  was  an  official  list  of  those  whose  lives  were 
doomed  and  property  was  subject  to  confiscation.  After  the  publication 
of  the  list  anybody  might  take  the  life  of  a  proscribed  person  and  receive 
his  confiscated  property  as  a  reward.  The  system  owed  its  origin  to 
Sulla,  82  B.C.  This  Proscription  in  43  B.C.  by  the  Triumvirs  was  the 
second  in  Roman  history.    See  Extract  32  (last  2  lines)  from  Plutarch. 

19.  these  honours,  i.e.  of  drawing  up  the  list  of  proscribed  persons 
and  performing  such-like  unpopular  offices. 

20.  slanderous  loads,  loads  of  slander;  cf.  I.  2.  9,  note. 

22.    business;  scan  as  three  syllables,  according  to  its  etymology. 

sc.  IT.] 


27.  m  =  on;  as  often  in  Shakespeare;  cf.  the  Lord's  Prayer,  zn 
earth,  as  it  is  in  heaven." 

29.  /or  that^  i.e.  reason. 

30.  store ^  plenty;  cf.    store  is  no  sore,"  plenty  is  no  bad  thing, 
32.    wind^  turn,    dwectly^  straight. 

34.    taste^  measure,  degree. 

36 — 39.  The  general  sense  is— Lepidus  is  always  behind  the  times : 
he  takes  things  up  just  when  everyone  else  has  got  tired  of  them ;  is 
content  with  the  leavings  of  others  and  always  imitating  people. 

37.  abjects,  rejected  scraps,  oris,  leavings ;  see  G.  The  Folio  has 
On  objects^  arts  etc. ;  a  reading  which  gives  poor  sense  but  is  retained 
by  some  editors.  Theobald  proposed  On  abject  orts"  with  the  sense 
*'  On  the  scraps  and  fragments  of  things  rejected  and  despised  by 
others."  Staunton  (whom  the  'Globe'  editors  follow)  proposed  "On 
abjects,  oris  " — a  reading  which  gives  the  same  sense  as  Theobald's  and 
is  nearer  to  that  of  the  Folio.  A  printer,  I  should  think,  might  easily 
transpose  the  two  vowels  a  and  0  and  print  "£?bjects,  arts"  for  **^zbjects, 
^>rts."    Note  that  oris  suits  the  metaphor  of  feeds. 

39.  begin  his  fashion^  begin  to  be  fashionable  with  him  (though 
quite  out  of  fashion  with  other  people). 

40.  propei'ty^  a  thing  to  be  used  as  we  please,  a  tool ;  see  G. 

42.  powers,  troops;  cf.  iv.  3.  308.    make  head ^  offer  resistance. 

43.  alliance^  league,  i.e.  of  themselves  and  their  supporters. 

44.  stretched,  used  to  the  full.  Probably  a  line  mutilated  by  the 
printer;  Malone  added  to  the  utmost ^  to  complete  the  feet. 

45.  presently ,  cf.  III.  i.  142.    sit  in  council  how,  deliberate  how. 

47.  answered,  met,  coped  with. 

48,  49.    A  metaphor  from  bear-baiting.    Cf.  Macbeth,  v.  7.  12: 

**They  have  tied  me  to  a  stake;  I  cannot  fly, 
But,  bear-like,  I  must  fight." 
bay^d,  barked  at ;  see  G. 
51.    millions  of,  a  YSist  deal  of. 

Scene  2. 

The  remainder  of  the  action  of  the  play  is  the  avenging  of  Csesar's 
murder  by  the  overthrow  and  deaths  of  Brutus  and  Cassius.  They  had 
gone  to  the  East  and  collected  troops;  Antony  and  Octavius  follow. 
The  scene  therefore  is  transferred  from  Rome,  first  to  the  camp  of 
Brutus  near  Sardis,  in  Asia  Minor,  and  then  to  the  plains  of  Philippi  in 
Macedonia,  where  the  battle  is  fought. 



[ACT  IV. 

Sardis,  the  ancient  capital  of  Lydia.  The  Christian  community  at 
Sardis  was  one  of  the  seven  Churches  to  which  St  John  addressed  The 
Revelation ;  cf.  chapters  i.  (verse  ii)  and  iii. 

7.  *  Either  through  some  change  in  himself,  or  by  the  ill  conduct 
of  his  officers.'    For  change  Warburton  proposed  <:/^^zr^^  =  command. 

8.  worthy,  well  founded.    'Good  cause.' 
10.    satisfied ;  cf.  III.  i.  141. 

12.  full  of  regard^  worthy  of  all  esteem;  cf.  Ill,  i.  224. 

13.  dotibted;  echoing  "  I  do  not  doubt^^  in  line  10. 

14.  7'esolv\i;  cf.  III.  i.  131. 

16.  familiar  instances,  proofs  of  familiarity;  see  I.  2.  9,  note. 
For  the  sense  of  instance  cf.  Much  Ado  About  Nothing,  11.  2.  42, 
'*They  will  scarcely  believe  this  without  trial:  offer  them  instances." 

21.  enforced  ceremony,  constrained  civility. 

22.  no  tricks  in,  nothing  artificial  about. 

23.  hollow^  insincere,  hot  at  hand;  fiery  as  long  as  they  are  led 
by  the  hand,  not  mounted  and  managed  with  the  rein  and  spur" — 
Schmidt.  See  Henry  VIII.  v.  3.  21 — 24.  Plutarch  is  very  fond  of  meta- 
phors etc.  drawn  from  horsemanship  and  the  chase.    24.    mettle  ;  see  G. 

26.   fall;  for  the  transitive  use,  Met  fall,  drop,'  cf.  Lucrece^  i55r> 
*'  For  every  tear  he  falls  a  Trojan  bleeds." 
37.    brother;  cf.  II.  i.  70,  note. 

40.  sober  form,  calm  demeanour. 

41.  content,  calm. 

42.  griefs,  grievances;  cf.  Iii.  2.  217.  Brutus  knows  the  fierce 
temper  of  Cassius  and  does  not  wish  to  have  a  quarrel  (such  as  ensues) 
before  their  soldiers. 

46.    enlarge^  give  vent  to. 

48.  their  charges,  the  troops  under  their  command, 
50,  52.  The  Folio  has  Lucilius  in  line  50,  and  in  line  52  reads 
Let  Lucius  and  Titinius  guard  our  doore."  The  objection  to  the 
Folio  text  is  twofold — i.  Lucilius  will  scarcely  scan  in  line  50,  unless 
we  make  the  verse  an  Alexandrine  (six  feet) ;  2.  it  is  not  likely  that  the 
servant-boy  Lucius  would  be  associated  with  the  officer  Titinius — 
rather,  line  139  shows  that  the  two  officers,  Lucilius  and  Titinius, 
were  told  off  to  guard  the  tent-door  of  their  commander,  a  duty 
naturally  assigned  to  officers ;  also,  as  Cassius  sent  his  servant  Pindarus 
with  the  message  to  his  troops,  so  Brutus  would  send  his  servant  Lucius 
on  a  similar  errand.  For  these  reasons  it  is  thought  that  the  printer 
simply  transposed  the  names  Lucius  and  Lucilius  in  50  and  52,  his  eye 

sc.  I1I.J 


catching  the  second  line  of  the  MS.  first,  and  then  repeated  let  from  line 
50  to  complete  the  scansion  of  5-2. 
52.    Titinius;  see  I.  2.  127. 

Scene  3. 

Details  based  on  Plutarch,  i.  The  dispute  between  Brutus  and 
Cassius  with  reference  to  Lucius  Pella.  2.  The  entry  of  the  Poet. 
3.  Portia's  death.    4.  The  Apparition. 

This  Scene  brings  further  into  relief  the  difference  between  the 
characters  of  Brutus  and  Cassius,  and  the  consequent  impossibility  of 
their  working  together.  They  had  only  been  united  for  a  moment  in 
the  murder  of  Csesar. 

2.  noted^  stigmatised,  dishonoured;  the  sense  of  Lat.  ftotare,  'to 
brand  with  a  mark  of  censure '  (nota).  The  nota  censoria  was  a  kind 
of  public  disgrace  inflicted  by  the  Censors  at  Rome.  Shakespeare  has 
copied  North's  Plutarch;  see  Extract  33  (lines  i,  2). 

4.    Wherein ^  in  which  action. 

8.    *  That  every  trifling  offence  should  be  strictly  criticised. ' 
nice ;  see  G.    his^  its;  cf.  16  and  see  G. 

9 — II.  ^^2/ =  2  syllables,  by  emphasis.  >^aw,  for  having,  itching 
palm^  avaricious  character,    mart^  traffic  in,  barter. 

15.    honours^  causes  to  be  excused,  to  go  unpunished. 

18 — 23.  Remember  March,,, for  supporting  robbers.  See  Extract  33 
(last  4  lines)  from  Plutarch. 

19.  for  justice^  sake;  the  inflection  is  omitted  from  justice^  merely 
for  the  sake  of  euphony ;  this  happens  with  words  ending  in  a  sibilant 
sound.  Here  there  is  a  double  reason  for  the  omission,  a  second 
sibilant,  sake^  following.    See  I.  i.  63,  note. 

20,  21.  An  indirect  way  of  asserting  that  there  was  not  one  man 
among  them,  who  was  base  enough  to  stab  Csesar  for  any  cause  but 
that  of  justice" — Malone.    Cassius  can  scarcely  relish  this  question. 

26.  trash;  cf.  Othello^  ill.  3.  157,  "Who  steals  my  purse  steals 
trash."    See  G.    thus  ;  he  makes  some  gesture  as  he  speaks. 

27.  bay^  bark  at ;  see  G.    In  28  the  Folios  have  baite  for  bay* 
30.    1  o  hedge  me  in  ;  ''to  limit  my  authority"- — Johnson, 

I;  often  repeated  at  the  end  of  a  sentence,  for  emphasis ;  cf.  Titus 
Andronicus,  v.  3.  113,  "I  am  no  vaunter,  I."    See  again  V,  4.  7. 

32,  conditions;  "terms  on  which  offices  should  be  conferred"— 
Craik;  alluding  to  what  Brutus  said,  9,  10. 



[ACT  IV. 

36.  Have  mind  upon,  take  thought  for.    health,  safety. 

37.  slight ;  cf.  "a  slight  unmeritable  man,"  iv.  i,  12. 

39.  your  rash  choler,  Cf.  Phitarch's  description  of  Cassius:  **a 
hot,  choleric,  and  cruel  man":  **Very  skilful  in  wars,  but  otherwise 
marvellous  choleric."    Cf.  line  43,  **hovv  choleric  you  are." 

44,  45.    /;  emphatic;  contrasted  with  "slaves,"  **bondmen." 

45,  observe^  pay  heed  to  ;  or  '  treat  with  deference.' 

46,  47.    testy  ;  see  G.    spleen  ;  fit  of  passion. 

54.  noble;  so  the  Folio;  needlessly  changed  by  some  editors  to 
abler  because  of  what  Cassius  said  above,  line  31. 

56.  Cassius  might  truly  have  said  **a  better  soldier,"  witness  the 
blunders  that  Brutus  makes  in  the  battle  (v.  3.  5 — 8). 

58.    i.e.  even  Caesar  himself  would  not  have  dared,  mov'd^  angered. 

64.    that ;  understand  which, 

69.  respect  not,  do  not  trouble  about. 

70.  denied;  refused ;  O.  F.  denier,  Lat.  denegare. 

As  Brutus  had  been  ready  to  take  money  from  Cassius,  it  was 
scarcely  fair  to  reproach  him  (9 — 28)  with  raising  it  by  improper  means, 
and  to  contrast  his  own  more  scrupulous  conduct. — Boas, 

74,  75.  hard;  cf.  A  Midstmimer-Night'' s  Drea?n,  v.  72,  ''''Hard- 
handed  men  that  work  in  Athens  here."   indirection^  dishonesty;  see  G. 

79,  80.    so  covetous  to,  i.e.  so  covetous  as  to. 

rascal  counters,  worthless  coins ;  see  both  words  in  the  *  Glossary. ' 

84.  85.    he.,. that  brought  ??iy  answer  ;  viz.  Lucilius  (iv.  2.  13,  14). 

85.  riv'*d;  cf.  i.  3.  6. 

86.  bear,  bear  with,    infirmities,  weaknesses,  viz.  of  character. 
92.     Olympus  ;  see  ill.  i.  74,  note. 

94.    alone  ;  qualifying  Cassius. 

97.  Checked,  rebuked,  chidden  ;  cf.  2  Henry  IV.  III.  i.  68,  **check'd 
and  rated  by  Northumberland." 

98.  conned,  learnt ;  see  G.    by  rote,  by  heart ;  see  G. 
100.    There  ;  offering  Brutus  a  dagger. 

102.  Plutus* ;  the  ist  Folio  has  Pluto's,  The  identification  of 
Plutus,  the  god  of  riches  (Gk.  TrXoOros,  wealth),  with  Pluto,  the  god  of 
the  nether  world,  occurs  in  classical  writers,  and  their  names  are  the 
same  in  origin.  Elizabethan  writers  often  identify  the  two  deities; 
cf.  Webster,  Duchess  of  Malji,  III.  2,  ''''Pluto,  the  god  of  riches." 

103.  If  that ;  cf.  **when  that,"  III.  2.  96;  '*lest  that,"  III.  i.  92. 

108.  it,  your  anger,    scope,  vent,  free  play. 

109.  *  Insult  coming  from  you  shall  seem  mere  caprice.* 

sc.  III.] 



no,  III.  Brutus  means  that  he  is  as  gentle  as  a  lamb,  and  that  his 
anger  is  but  a  momentary  flash. 

112.    much  enforced^  sorely  tried. 

114.  mirth  and  laughter;  cf.  what  Brutus  said,  48 — 50. 

115,  bloody  passion,  anger,  vexeth;  singular  because  the  two 
subjects  really  form  one  idea,    him^  Cassius. 

Enter  Poet,  viz.  "  one  Marcus  Phaonius      see  Extract  34. 

132.  This  '  Poet '  quoted  to  the  two  generals  a  couplet  from  Iliad  L ; 
North  gives  a  rough  translation  of  the  couplet,  and  Shakespeare  partly 
quotes  the  second  line  of  North's  rendering. 

133.  cynic^  rude  fellow;  see  G. 

136.    *  I  will  bear  with  his  whims  when  he  chooses  the  right  time.' 

137?  13^'  jigS^^^S^^^l"^^^^^'^  see  G.  Companion;  contemptuous, 
like  'fellow.'  Lit.  'one  who  takes  bread,  i.e.  meals,  with  another' 
{cum-\-panis)*    *' Familiarity  breeds  contempt"  (a  depressing  proverb). 

145,  146.  Cassius,  being  ignorant  of  Portia^s  death,  is  surprised  at 
Brutus's  last  words  and  at  the  emotion  he  has  shown,  contrary  to  his 
ordinary  composure  (cf.  especially  iii.  i.  22 — 24)  and  to  the  teaching  of 
his  **  philosophy."  For  Brutus  was  a  Stoic,  and  Stoicism  inculcated 
suppression  of  the  emotions  (dTra^eta)  and  a  discipline  of  endurance  and 
fortitude ;  teaching  that  the  only  good  is  Virtue  or  right  reason," 
which  makes  a  man  superior  to  pain  and  all  the  "griefs  "  and  accidents 
of  life.  Strictly,  sorrow  even  at  Portia's  death  was  not  permissible  to  a 
Stoic,    give  place,  give  in,  yield  to. 

152.  Upon,  through,  in  consequence  of;  literally,  'following  upon.' 
Impatient  of,  unable  to  bear  ;  we  should  expect  impatience.  The  irregu- 
lar syntax  reflects  the  strong  emotion  of  the  speaker.  (Craik.) 

154.  have  ;  as  though  he  had  written  "  Octavius  and  Mark  Antony.'* 
I54>  155'    'For  together  with  the  announcement  of  her  death  came 

the  news  that  Octavius  and  Antony  are  so  strong,'  i.e.  in  troops.  The 
sentence  is  a  parenthesis. 

155.  tidings;  treated  as  a  singular  (cf.  **that  ")  like  news. 

fell  distract,  became  desperate,  beside  herself.  Usually  in  Shakespeare 
distract  (see  G.)  means  *mad';  in  Hamlet,  iv.  5.  2,  it  is  used  of  Ophelia 
in  her  madness. 

156.  swallowed  fire.  See  Extract  35  from  Plutarch.  According  to 
some  accounts  Portia  survived  Brutus,  killing  herself  when  she  heard 
the  result  of  the  battle  of  Philippi. 

165.    call  in  question,  discuss. 

169.  powery  army;  cf.  the  plural  —  'troops,'  iv.  i.  42. 



[ACT  IV. 

1 70.  expedition  ;  used  by  Shakespeare  of  the  march  of  an  army ;  cf. 
Richard  III.  IV.  4.  136,     Who  intercepts  my  expedition?" 

171.  of  the  selfsame  tenouvy  to  the  same  effect. 

173.  proscription  ;  see  IV.  i.  17,  note,  bills  of  outlawry^  lists  of 
the  names  of  persons  'proscribed';  cf.  North's  Plutarch^  ''After 
that,  these  three,  Octavius  Caesar,  Antonius  and  Lepidus...did  set  up 
bills  of  proscription  and  outlawry^  condemning  two  hundred  of  the 
noblest  men  of  Rome  to  suffer  death,  and  among  that  number  Cicero 
was  one'^  (p.  128). 

1 78.  Cicero.  Antony  hated  Cicero  for  the  Philippic  orations  against 
himself ;  and  an  equally  bitter  enemy  was  Antony's  wife  Fulvia,  the 
widow  of  Clodius  (whom  Cicero  had  denounced  often  and  by  whom  he 
was  driven  into  exile).  On  the  indignity  which  Antony  inflicted  upon 
Cicero  after  death,  see  ill.  i.  -266,  note. 

184.  Nothings  Messala.  Perhaps  Brutus  dissembles  thus  because 
he  cherishes  a  faint  hope  that  after  ail  Portia  is  not  dead — that  the  report 
which  reached  him  was  false  and  that  Messala  has  later  tidings  of  her 
being  alive.    Cf.  his  question,  "  hear  ^^72/  aught  of  her?" 

187.  as yoii  are  a  Roman;  the  most  solemn  of  appeals  in  the  eyes 
of  Brutus;  cf.  11.  i.  125. 

191.    once;  'some  day.' 

194.  this^  i.e.  the  power  of  "enduring  losses"  calmly,  in  arty  in 
theory ;  referring,  I  think,  to  the  Epicurean  philosophy  (see  V.  i.  77), 
which  inculcated  the  maxim,  cequam^  memento  rebus  in  arduis  \  servare 

196.  our  work  alive,  the  work  that  awaits  us  the  living.  Brutus 
wants  to  cut  short  the  conversation  about  Portia's  death. 

197.  presently;  cf.  iv.  i.  45. 

200,  201.    waste,  spend,    offence,  harm. 

of  force;  commorAy  perforce ;  'necessarily.* 
206.    contribution,  support  for  the  army,  in  money  and  supplies. 
209.    new-added,  with  additions  to  their  forces  ;  some  editors  change 
to  new-aided. 

212.    i.e.  having  these  people  behind  us. 

214.    tried  the  utmost  of  got  as  much  out  of  them  as  can  be  got. 

220.  omitted,  not  taken  advantage  of.  their,  i.e.  **of  men"  (218), 
A  parallel  to  this  famous  passage  is  The  Tempest,  I.  2.  181 — 184. 

221.  bound  in,  confined  to. 

222.  such;  i.e.  such  as  he  has  just  described — "at  the  flood." 
224.    our  ventures,  all  that  we  have  hazarded.     In  Shakespeare 

sc.  III.] 


venture  is  specially  used  of  *  that  which  is  sent  to  sea ' ;  so  here  it 
carries  on  the  metaphor  in  "tide,"  ** voyage,"  etc.  In  the  Merchant  of 
Venice^  I.  i.  21,  Antonio's  ships  out  at  sea  are  called  his  ventures." 

225.  We.,, our  selves  ;  Cassius  and  his  division  of  the  army. 

Scan  along^Hongy  like  Hwixt  for  atwixt.  The  last  syllable  of 
*  Philip//'  is  extra. 

226.  Cf.  The  Merry  Wives  of  Windsor^  I  v.  4.  39,  40: 

'*  Why,  yet  there  v^^ant  not  many  that  do  fear 
In  deep  of  night  to  walk  by  this  Heme's  oak." 
deep;  an  adjective  =  noun  is  frequent  in  Shakespeare. 

228.  Which,  necessity,    niggard;  satisfy  in  a  niggardly  way. 

229.  to  say ;  see  note  on  *'  to  do,"  il.  i.  326. 

236.    Every  thing  is  well ;  it  is  all  past  (i.e.  their  dispute). 

241.  knave,  boy;  cf.  269,  and  see  G.  o'er -watched,  tired  out  with 
being  kept  awake;  cf.  Lear,  11.  2.  177,  **all  weary  and  o'er- watched." 

242.  other ;  a  plural ;  see  G. 

249.    So  please  you  ;  see  ill.  i.  140,  note,    watch,  wait  for. 

252.  Cf.  North's  Plutarch^  p-  136:  *'  After  he  [Brutus]  had  slumbered 
a  little  after  supper,  he  spent  all  the  rest  of  the  night  in  dispatching  of  his 
weightiest  causes  [i.e.  most  important  business] ;  and  after  he  had  taken 
order  for  them,  if  he  had  any  leisure  left  him,  he  would  read  some  book 
till  the  third  watch  of  the  night."  The  detail  is  useful  to  Shakespeare 
in  helping  to  emphasise  the  fact  that  Brutus  is  really  a  student  and 
philosopher,  not  a  man  of  action. 

255.  much;  often  adverbial:  "I  am  much  ill,"  2  Henry  IV,  iv, 
4.  III.    We  see  again  (cf.  11.  i.  229)  Brutus's  natural  tenderness. 

Music,  and  a  song.  This  introduction  of  music  (a  detail  not  in 
Plutarch)  is  designed  by  Shakespeare  to  give  repose  and  attune  our 
minds  to  what  follows  ;  it  removes  the  impression  of  stir  and  unrest  left 
by  the  dispute  between  Brutus  and  Cassius  and  the  discussion  over  their 
plans.    Music  seems  the  most  fitting  of  preludes  to  the  supernatural. 

268.    The  metaphor  is  of  a  bailiff  of  the  law  touching  a  man  with 
his  official  staff  ("mace")  in  sign  of  arrest.    Editors  quote  the  Faerie 
Queene^  i.  4.  44,  which  Shakespeare  seems  to  have  remembered  : 
*'But  whenas  Morpheus  had  with  leaden  mace 
Arrested  all  that  courtly  company." 

leaden,  metaphorically — *heavy';  cf.  'Meaden  slumbers,"  Lucrece,\i\, 

270.  to  wake,  i.e.  as  to.  "The  man  who  could  kill  his  friend 
cannot  bring  himself  to  wake  a  sleeping  boy  !  " 

271.  thou  break' St ;  the  present  indicative  expresses  certainty. 



[act  V. 

the  Ghost  of  C(vsar.    Contrast  Plutarch,  Extracts  36,  37. 

275.  How  ill  this  taper  burns!  Suggested  by  Plutarch's  words 
**the  light  of  the  lamp. ..waxed  very  dim"  (p.  103).  That  lights 
"grow  dim*'  or  "burn  blue"  at  the  approach  of  spirits  is  a  very  ancient 
superstition.  Compare  the  famous  Scene  (3)  in  Richard  III.  Act  v., 
where  the  ghosts  appear  to  Richard  on  the  night  before  the  battle  of 
Bosworth  Field,  and  **the  lights  burn  blue"  (184)  in  his  tent. 

280.  Cf.  Plutarch's  account  liow  the  Vision  at  the  first  made  him 
[Brutus]  marvellously  afraid^    stare,  stand  on  end;  see  G. 

282.  evil  spirit^  ill  'Genius'  or  angel  (KaKodalfiuv) ;  cf.  ii.  i.  66. 
*'  The  ghost  of  Caesar  (designated  by  Plutarch  only  the  '  evill  spirit '  of 
Brutus)  serves  as  a  kind  of  visible  symbol  of  the  vast  posthumous  power 
of  the  Dictator  " — Dowden. 

308.    i.e.  send  on  his  troops  early  in  advance  of  ours. 

ACT  V. 
Scene  1. 

Details  based  on  Plutarch,  i.  Tlie  conversation  of  Cassius  with 
Messala  (70 — 92).  2.  The  omens  of  the  "two  mighty  eagles"  and  of 
the  ravens,  crows,  and  kites."  3.  The  allusions  to  Cato  and  self- 
inflicted  death,    (See  also  the  notes  on  14,  77.) 

Philippi  ;  in  the  east  of  Macedonia,  on  the  borders  of  Thrace  ;  called 
after  its  founder,  Philip  of  Macedon  (lived  B.C.  382 — 336).  Philippi 
was  the  first  place  in  Europe  where  St  Paul  preached  (a.d.  53)  the 
gospel — Acts  xw'i.  II,  12. 

I.  our  hopes;  he  means  ^  ??iy  hopes.'  ansivered^  fulfilled.  Note 
often  how  ed  following  r  bears  a  stress  (weak) ;  cf.  ii.  i.  208,  III.  2.  7, 10. 

4,  5.    battles^  forces,  warn,  summon,  i.e.  to  battle. 

7.  bosoms^  secrets. 

8,  9.    i.e.  they  would  like  to  keep  out  of  our  way  still. 

10.  The  phrase  fearful  bravery^  'timorous  courage,'  is  a  sort  of  oxy- 
moron (the  combination  of  two  words  which  really  connote  opposite 
ideas,  a  literary  figure  of  speech  much  used  by  classical  writers).  Some 
editors  take  ^r^z;^rj  =  bravado,  i.e.  a  false  display  of  courage. 
face,  boldness ;  cf.  '  to  put  a  bold  face  on  things.' 
14.  Their  bloody  sign  of  battle.  Cf.  North's  Plutarch^  "  the  signal  of 
battle  was  set  out  in  Brutus'  and  Cassius'  camp,  which  was  an  arming 
scarlet  coat^^  (p.  139)' 


17.    even  fields  level  ground. 

19.  cross y  thwart,    exigent^  decisive  moment,  crisis. 

20.  do  so;  probably  =  *I  will  do  as  you  wish,'  viz.  *take  the  left^ 
Octavius,  we  know,  did  command  the  left  wing.  But  some  editors  ex- 
plain, *I  do  not  want  to  thwart  you,  still  I  shall  do  what  I  said,  viz.  take 
the  right?  According  to  Plutarch,  a  disagreement  of  the  kind  occurred 
between  Brutus  and  Cassius,  and  Shakespeare  may  have  transferred 
it  to  the  opposite  generals  so  as  to  illustrate  the  strong,  self-assertive 
character  of  Octavius,  by  representing  that  in  spite  of  youth  he  will  not 
yield  to  Antony. 

21.  parley,  see  G. 

24.    answer  on  their  charge,  i.e.  let  them  charge  first. 

30.    In  your  bad  strokes ^  when  you  are  dealing  bad  strokes. 

32.  Apparently  this  detail  is  not  historical. 

33.  lie  seems  to  mean,  *  We  have  still  to  see  what  you  can  do  as  a 
fighter ' ;  cf.  the  similar  taunt  in  the  speech  of  Brutus,  36 — 38.  Not 

'  we  have  yet  to  see  which  side  you  will  take ' ;  a  sneer  inapplicable  to 

are ;  the  verb  is  attracted  to  the  plural  and  nearer  word  "  blows." 

34.  35.  i.e.  as  for  your  words,  they  are  sweeter  than  any  honey :  an 
allusion  to  the  effect  of  Antony's  funeral  oration  on  the  citizens. 

Hybla  ;  in  Sicily  ;  famous  for  its  honey.  See  i  Henry  IV,  I.  2,  47, 
and  cf.  Dryden,  Absalom  and  Achitophel^  696,  697  : 

Few  words  he  said,  but  easy  those  and  fit, 

More  slow  than  Hybla-drops,  and  far  more  sweet." 

39 — 42.  Cf  IIT.  I.  35 — 75,  where  Metellus  kneels  to  Ctesar,  then 
Cassius,  and  last  Brutus,    daggers ;  see  ill.  i.  107,  note. 

41.   fawn^ d  like  hounds  ;  cf.  "  base  spaniel-fawning,"  III.  i.  43. 

43,  44.    See  the  description  of  the  murder,  in.  i.  75. 

45 — 47*  Cassius  refers  to  his  attempts  to  dissuade  Brutus  from 
sparing  Anthony ;  see  note  on  ii.  i.  156. 

48.  the  cause^  to  business  !  let  us  get  to  work  ! 

49.  The  proof  of  it,  the  putting  our  arguments  to  the  proof,  test. 
redder  drops y  i.e.  drops  of  blood. 

52.  goes  up,  i.e.  into  its  sheath. 

53.  three-and-thirty  ;  so  the  ist  Folio  ;  some  editors  change  to  three- 
and-tiventy,  the  real  number  (according  to  Plutarch).  Probably  a  slip 
of  memory  on  Shakespeare's  part,  but  we  need  not  correct  it. 

54.  55.  i.e.  till  another  Cyesar  (viz.  himself)  has  been  slaughtered  by 
the  traitors  who  slew  the  Dictator.     Octavius  (Caesar's  heir,  and  so 

J.  c.  10 



[act  V. 

"  another  Csesar  ")  will  either  avenge  Caesar,  or  himself  perish  in  the 
effort  and  thus  "  add  "  to  the  bloodshed  of  the  conspirators. 

57.    So  I  hope  ;  he  refers  to  "  thou  canst  not  die." 

59,  60.  strain,  family,  i.e.  the  Julia  gens  into  which  Octavius  had 
been  adopted  by  Csesar.    honourable  ;  used  adverbially. 

61.  peevish,  silly;  see  G.  schoolboy;  Octavius  was  twenty-one. 
How  completely  history  falsified  this  contemptuous  estimate  of  Octavius 
(the  great  emperor  Augustus)  ! 

62.  a  masker.., a  reveller.    See  I.  2.  204,  note. 

63.  Old  Cassius  still,  i.e.  the  same  as  ever,  not  changed  at  all. 
That  he  is  *  waspish '  and  sharp-tongued  we  saw  in  the  dispute  (iv.  3). 

66.  stomachs,  inclination  ;  implying  '  courage,  spirit.' 

67,  68.    Cf.  Macbeth,  v.  5.  51,  52.    on  the  hazard,  at  stake. 
71 — 89.    See  Extracts  38.  39  from  Tlutarch. 

71.  as  this  very  day ;  a  single  phrase  =  'on  this  ve7y  day.'  Formerly 
as  was  combined  thus  with  adverbs  and  adverbial  phrases  of  time,  e.g. 
'as  then,'  'as  now,'  'as  three  years  ago,'  'as  yet'  (the  only  one  still 
used).  Cf.  Ascham's  Letters  (1551),  "The  prince  of  Spain,  which  as 
to-morrow  should  have  gone  to  Italy."  So  in  the  '  Collect '  for  Christmas 
Day  ("^ij  at  this  time  to  be  born")  and  in  that  for  Whitsunday.  The 
as  seems  to  have  had  a  restrictive  force,  which  may  be  rendered  by 
emphasising  the  next  word  with  which  it  is  combined,  e.g.  "  this  very  day." 

74 — 77*  Abbott  draws  various  distinctions  between  thon  and 

you  in  Shakespeare,  among  them  this  :  that  thou  is  "the  rhetorical," 
2,xi^you  "  the  conversational "  pronoun.  So  here,  Cassius,  addressing 
Messala  in  a  rhetorical,  impressive  style,  says  "  be  thou " ;  but  to 
continue  thus  would  be  rather  stilted,  hence  he  soon  slips  into  an  easier 
style — "  You  know." 

75.  As  Pompey  tvas.  An  allusion  to  the  campaign  of  48  B.C.,  which 
ended  in  the  battle  of  Pharsalia  in  Thessalus.  Knowing  that  Caesar's 
troops  were  veterans  while  most  of  his  own  were  inexperienced,  Pompey 
wished  to  avoid  a  decisive  battle  and  to  wear  out  the  enemy ;  but  his 
followers  were  impatient  and  practically  forced  him  to  fight.  The 
complete  defeat  at  Pharsalus  was  the  result. 

77.  held  Epicurus  strong,  believed  strongly  in  his  philosophy. 
Cf.  North's  Plutarch,  "Cassius  being  in  opinion  an  Epicurean" 
(p.  136). 

78.  /  change  my  ?nind.  Omens  are  supposed  to  be  warnings  sent 
by  some  supernatural  power  ;  Cassius  had  not  believed  in  them  hitherto, 
because  the  Epicureans  held  that  the  world  was  not  ruled  by  any  super- 

sc.  I.]  NOTES.  147 

natural  power:  the  gods,  they  thought,  took  no  interest  in  its  affairs, 
and  chance  alone  was  supreme.  Also,  the  Epicureans  believed  that 
the  senses  mislead  and  that  therefore  men  are  merely  deceived  when 
they  think  they  see  or  hear  something  mysterious. 

80 — 84.  Comingy  as  we  came;  supply  the  pronoun  from  ''^  our 
ensign."  former —foremost  {the  word  in  North),  fell^  swooped. 
consorted^  accompanied.  A  silver  or  bronze  figure  of  an  eagle,  set  on 
a  long  staff,  was  the  chief  standard  (i.e.  ** ensign,"  80)  of  a  Roman 
legion.  Hence  to  the  Romans  the  bird  symbolised  victory,  and  the 
fact  that  the  '*  two  mighty  eagles"  abandoned  the  army  would  naturally 
be  regarded  as  an  omen  of  defeat. 

85.  steads^  places;  see  G.  raven;  proverbially  a  bird  of  ill  omen, 
like  the  owl  (i.  3.  26).  crow  ;  a  bird  of  prey,  as  is  the  kite.  For  the 
assembling  of  birds  of  prey  cf.  Paradise  Lost,  X.  272 — 281,  where 
Death,  rejoicing  to  hear  that  Man  is  doomed  to  die  and  thus  become 
his  quarry,  is  compared  with  "a  flock  of  ravenous  fowl"  which  flies 
towards  armies  encamped,  in  anticipation  of  battle. 

Jtdius  Ccesar  is  a  tragedy  of  signs  and  omens,  of  dreams  and  pre- 
monitions, beyond  any  other  of  Shakespeare's  plays.  This  note  runs  all 
through,  as  a  sort  of  expression  of  that  notion  of  "  Fate  "  which  we  got 
in  Caesar's  speech  (11.  2.  26 — 28).  It  is  a  thoroughly  classical  idea :  hence 
Shakespeare's  use  of  it  in  this  classical  piece.  No  doubt,  he  was 
influenced  by  Plutarch's  Lives  :  for  "  everywhere  in  Plutarch,  by  way  of 
both  narrative  and  comment,  you  find  a  confirmed  belief  in  omens, 
portents,  and  ghosts...  Death  and  disaster,  good  fortune  and  victory, 
never  come  without  forewarning...  Not  only  before  a  great  event,  but 
also  after  it,  occur  these  sympathetic  perturbations  in  the  other  world." 
And  this  belief  in  an  unseen  world  in  constant  touch  with  the  visible 
world  and  man's  affairs  finds  vent  (cf.  ii.  2.  5,  6,  39,  40)  in  mysterious 
rites  and  ceremonies  (Wyndham). 

87 — 92.    as,2i%\i.    but ;  o^dXiiyiwg  partly,    constantly ,  ^xmly. 

93.  Even  sOy  Lucilius ;  this  ends  the  conversation  begun  above,  69. 

94.  standi  may  they  stand. 

95.  Lovers  in  peace ,  as  friends  (cf.  ill.  2.  13),  and  in  times  of  peace. 
97.  reason  with^  presuppose  ;  'assume  that  the  worst  will  happen.' 
loi — 108.    The  main  construction  is  :  *  I  am  determined — arming 

myself  with  patience — to  act  (  =  '*do"  in  100)  in  accordance  with 
that  philosophy  which  made  me  condemn  Cato ;  for  (a  parenthesis) 
somehow  I  consider  it  cowardly  to  commit  suicide  through  mere  alarm 
that  something  evil  may  happen.* 

10 — 2 



[act  V. 

There  seems  to  be  some  contradiction  between  this  speech  (loi — io8) 
and  Brutus's  next  (i  1 1 — 113):  for  first  he  says  that  he  blamed  Cato  for  des- 
troying himself  and  clearly  implies  that  he  will  act  differently — await  his 
fate  bravely ;  and  then  he  says  that  if  defeated,  he  will  do  what  Cato 
did.  Possibly  the  contradiction  is  to  be  explained  by  sudden  change  of 
opinion  :  "  Brutus  is  at  first  inclined  to  wait  patiently  for  better  times, 
but  is  roused  by  the  idea  of  being  '  led  in  triumph,'  to  which  he  will 
never  submit " — Ritson,  But  Brutus  is  too  calm  to  be  moved  thus  by 
any  sudden  gust  of  feeling.  I  cannot  help  thinking  that  there  is  some 
confusion  in  the  passage  and  that  Shakespeare  has  fallen  into  it  through 
following  North's  Plutarch  too  closely.  What  Plutarch  really  makes 
Brutus  say  amounts  to  this:  'when  1  was  young  and  inexperienced  I 
blamed  Cato  for  his  self-destruction  :  noiv  I  think  differently  :  if  we 
fail,  I  shall  kill  myself.'  That  is,  he  does  mean,  in  case  of  defeat,  to 
imitate  Cato,  and  says  so.  In  the  earlier  editions  of  North's  translation 
the  passage  (see  Extract  40)  is  given  in  a  confused  way  :  whence,  I 
believe,  Shakespeare's  confusion. 

101.  that  philosophy ;  probably  Shakespeare  meant  the  Stoic  philo- 
sophy (see  IV.  3.  145,  note),  which,  however,  did  recognise  the  lawfulness 
of  suicide  under  certain  conditions;  cf.  Paradise  Regained^  I  v.  300 — 506. 

102.  Cato^  Marcus  Cato;  lived  95 — 46  B.C.  He  sided  with  Pompey 
against  Caesar,  went  to  Africa  after  the  battle  of  Pharsalia,  and  in  46  B.C. 
committed  suicide  (see  v.  3.  89,  note)  at  Utica^  to  avoid  falling  into  the 
hands  of  Csesar.  From  the  place  of  his  death  he  was  called  Cato 
Uticensis,    He  is  the  hero  of  Addison's  trailed y  Cato. 

105,  106.  to  prevent  the  ti?ney  to  forestall  the  allotted  span  of  life; 
implying  *to  cut  it  short.' 

107.    To  stay  the  providence^  to  await  the  dispensation  of. 
109,  I  TO.    Cf.  I.  I.  38,  39.    Thorough;  see  G. 

113.  bears^  has,  possesses;  cf.  II.  i.  120,  137. 

1 14.  that  work^  viz.  of  destroying  the  power  of  Caesar,  to  avenge 
whom  Octavius  and  Antony  have  come. 

Scene  2. 

Alarums  ;  noise  of  instruments  summoning  to  the  fight;  see  G. 

1.  billsy  written  papers.  Cf.  North's  Plutarch^  "  Brutus  sent  little 
bills  to  the  colonels  and  captains  of  private  bands,  in  the  which  he 
wrote  the  word  of  the  battle"  (pp.  140,  141). 

4.  cold  dejueanour^  a  half-hearted  bearing. 

5.  pushy  attack,  onslaught. 

sc.  III.] 



Scene  3. 

Details  based  on  Plutarch,  i.  The  defeat  of  the  troops  under 
Cassius  and  his  retreat  to  the  hill.  2.  The  mistake  made  by  Pindarus 
in  thinking  that  Titinius  was  captured  by  the  enemy.  3.  The  deaths 
of  Cassius  and  Tilinius.    4.  The  lament  of  Brutus  over  Cassius. 

3.  ensigfty  ensign-bearer. 

4.  /  slew  the  coward,  Plutarch  only  says  that  Cassius  seized  a 
standard  (cf.  "did  take  //")  from  "one  of  the  ensign-bearers  that  fled" 
and  planted  it  firm  at  his  own  feet.    See  Extract  41  (last  4  lines). 

5 — 8.  According  to  Plutarch,  the  troops  under  Brutus  drove  back 
the  left  wing  of  the  enemy  and  captured  their  camp,  which  they 
proceeded  to  plunder,  instead  of  going  immediately  to  the  aid  of  Cassius 
who  was  in  difficulties. 

5.  the  word,  the  command  to  advance.  See  Extract  41  (lines  6,  7). 

6.  some  advantage ;  see  51,  52. 

7.  Took  ity  i.e.  the  advantage. 

9 — 90.    Fly  further  off.    See  Extract  42  from  Plutarch. 
19.    even  ivith  a  thought,  quick  as  thought. 

21.    "Cassius  himself  saw  nothing,  for  his  sight  was  very  bad" 
(North's  Plutarch,  p.  143).    regard,  watch. 
23.    This  day;  cf.  V.  i.  72. 

35.         its  ;  or  *  life' may  be  personified,    compass,  c\xc\e» 

28 — 32.  We  find  later  (80 — 84)  that  Pindarus  was  mistaken  in 
supposing  the  "  horsemen"  to  be  the  enemy.  They  were  troops  whom 
Brutus— too  late — had  sent  to  aid  Cassius. 

29.    make  to  him;  cf.  ill.  i.  18.    on  the  spur,  at  full  gallop. 

31.    light,  alight  from  their  horses. 

37.  Cassius  served  under  Crassus  in  the  war  with  the  Parthians  in 
Central  Asia,  53  B.C.  After  the  defeat  and  death  of  Crassus  near  Charrge 
(the  '  Haran'  or  *  Charran'  of  Genesis),  Cassius  commanded  the  Roman 
troops.    He  took  Pindarus  prisoner  at  the  battle  of  Charrae. 

38.  swore  thee,  made  thee  swear;  cf.  II.  i.  129. 

saving  of;  Abbott  explains  saving  as  a  verbal  noun  before  which 
some  preposition,  *  a'  or  *  in'  or  '  on,'  has  been  omitted— thus  "^z-saving 
of  "  =  *  in  the  act  of  saving. ' 

41 — 42,  45 — 46.  Cf.  'North's  Plutarch,  p.  103:  "Of  all  the  chances 
that  happen  unto  men  upon  the  earth,  that  which  came  to  Cassius  above 
all  other,  is  most  to  be  wondered  at :  for  he,  being  overcome  in  battle, 


[ACT  V. 

slew  himself  with  the  same  sword  with  the  which  he  struck  Csesar." 
Note  how  anything  vivid  and  picturesque  in  Plutarch  is  seized  upon  un- 
erringly by  Shakespeare. 

41.  freeman— freedmaUi  a  slave  who  has  been  'manumitted.* 

43.    hilts ;  the  plural  was  used  in  a  singular  sense. 

47.    not  so,  not  by  such  means,  viz.  as  killing  his  master. 

51.    change^  exchange:  victory  in  one  wing,  defeat  in  the  other. 

61.    to  night,  i.e.  into  darkness. 

65.  mistrust,  doubt. 

66.  success ;  see  G. 

67.  Error,  Melancholy's  child;  so  called  because  despondency  often 
leads  to  misunderstandings  and  needless  doubts  and  fears. 

68.  apt,  ready  to  receive  false  impressions. 

69.  conceiv'd;  the  metaphor  of  **  birth,"  70. 
7 1 .    But  kilPsty  without  killing. 

81—85.  Cf.  North's  Plutarch,  p.  143:  ''They  [the  troops  of 
Cassius]  might  see  Titinnius  crowned  with  a  garland  of  triiujiph, 
who  came  with  great  speed  unto  Cassius,"  i.e.  riding  back  from  the 
"horsemen"  whom  Pindarus  mistook  for  troops  of  the  enemy  (28 — 32). 

82.  wreath  of  victory ;  a  favourite  phrase  of  Elizabethan  writers; 
cf.  3  Henry  VI.  v.  3.  2,  "  And  we  are  graced  with  wreaths  of  victory." 

84.  For  the  scansion  iniscSnstru? d,  cf.  I.  2.  45. 

85.  hold  thee;  there,  look  you  !  hold;  an  interjection  as  in  I.  3. 
117.  thee;  an  ethic  dative.  Cf.  AlVs  Well  That  Ends  Wellj  IV.  5.  46, 
"  Hold  thee,  there's  my  purse." 

88.  how  I  regarded,  what  regard  I  had  for. 

89.  a  Romanes  part;  i.e.  self-destruction,  so  as  not  to  outlive 
defeat  and  fall  into  the  enemy's  power.  Cf.  Macbeth^  v.  8.  i,  2,  "Why 
should  I  play  the  Roman  fool,  and  die  On  mine  own  sword?" 

94 — 96.  Cf.  Antony's  prophecy  ill.  i.  259 — 275,  and  contrast 
Brutus's  previous  belief  that  the  conspirators  could  **  come  by  Caesar's 
spirit."  **No  one  of  them  that  struck  him  died  a  natural  death." 

96.  in,  into,    proper,  own  ;  see  G.    Here  it  emphasises  *'our  own." 

97.  ivhether;  scQ.n  whe'er ;  cf.  I.  1.66.    crowned;  see  85 — 87. 
99.    Referring  to  Cassius.    the  last,  so  the  ist  Folio;  some  editors 

change  to  **  thou  last."  A  needless  change  in  any  case,  and  improbable, 
because  Plutarch's  words  are,  "  he  [Brutus]  lamented  the  death  of 
Cassius,  calling  him  the  last  of  all  the  Romans."    See  Extract  43. 

loi.    Fellow,  equal,    f?ioe,  more;  see  G. 

103.  find  time  y  i.e.  to  "pay"  his  tears  to  Cassius. 

sc.  IV.] 


104.  Thasos ;  an  island  in  the  ^gean,  off  the  coast  of  Thrace; 
famous  for  its  gold  mines. 

105.  funerals;  singular  in  sense;  here  Shakespeare  uses  the  plural 
form  because  the  passage  in  Plutarch  was  running  in  his  mind,  but  in 
III.  I.  230  he  had  funeral.  Similarly  he  uses  both  nuptial  (more  oftenj 
and  nuptials  in  the  same  sense. 

106.  discomfort^  discourage;  see  G. 

T07.  young  Cato;  son  of  Cato  Uticensis  (see  V.  i.  102),  and  so 
brother  of  Portia. 

108.  Lab  CO ;  mentioned  by  Plutarch  as  one  of  the  conspirators. 
Flavius ;  perhaps  the  Tribune  who  appeared  in  Act  I.  Scene  i.  They  were 
slain  in  the  battle  before  the  eyes  of  Brutus  (North's  Plutarch^  p.  150). 

our  battles;  i.e.  forces;  as  in  v.  i.  4. 

109.  ^Tis  three  o\lock.  This  is  scarcely  consistent  with  60,  61, 
which  indicated  that  the  time  was  already  evening.  Probably  the 
inconsistency  arose  thus.  Plutarch  says,  *'  He  [Brutus]  suddenly  caused 
his  army  to  march,  being  past  three  of  the  clock  in  the  afternoon" 
(p.  148);  but  Plutarch  is  speaking  of  the  second  battle  at  Phihppi, 
which  took  place  twenty  days  later.  It  is  one  of  the  unhistorical  details 
in  the  play  that  Shakespeare  combines  the  two  battles.  Here  in 
connecting  them  he  uses  the  statement  of  Plutarch  and  forgets  appar- 
ently that  he  has  previously  spoken  of  sunset. 

Scene  4. 

Details  from  Plutarch,  i.  The  death  of  young  Cato.  2.  The 
device  of  Lucilius  to  save  the  life  of  Brutus. 

I.    Yet,  still. 

2 — II.    See  Extract  44  from  Plutarch. 

12.    Only;  transposed;  it  qualifies  "to  die."    Cf.  I.  3.  I44,  note. 

14.  According  to  Plutarch  (see  Extract  45)  I^ucilius  acted  thus  to 
divert  some  soldiers  of  the  enemy  who  were  just  going  to  attack  Brutus. 
The  stratagem  saved  the  life  of  Brutus  for  the  moment.  It  proves  the 
nobility  of  his  character  that  his  friends  are  thus  ready  to  sacrifice 
themselves  for  his  sake.  They  all  remain  steadfast  in  their  admiration 
of  him;  cf.  21 — 25,  and  the  next  Scene,  34,  35. 

28,  29.  "Lucilius  ever  after  served  him  [Antony]  faithfully,  even 
to  his  death** — North's  Plutarch^  p.  149. 

30.    whether =whe''ery  as  before  (i.  i.  66,  1 1,  i.  194,  v.  3.  97). 



[ACT  V. 

Scene  5. 

Details  based  on  Plutarch,  i.  Statilius  shows"  the  torch  light. 
2.  Brutus  asks  his  friends  to  help  him  slay  himself :  his  death.  3.  His 
dead  body  is  disposed  of  honourably.  4.  Octavius  takes  into  his  service 
Strato,  the  Greek  servant  of  Brutus.    5.  Antony's  speech  over  Brutus. 

1.  ra/iainsy  remnant;  cf.  Titus  Andronicus^  I.  i.  79,  81: 

"  Of  five-and-twenty  valiant  sons 
Behold  the  poor  remains,  alive  and  dead  ! " 

2,  3.    See  Extract  46  (lines  i — 10)  from  Plutarch. 

4.  the  word^  the  watch-word;  cf.  Coriolanus^  III.  2.  142,  "The 
word  is  *  mildly.'    Pray  you,  let  us  go." 

5 — 5  i .  For  the  death  of  Brutus  see  Extract  46  (the  second  paragraph) 
from  Plutarch. 

8.  Dardanius ;  in  Plutarch  Dardaitus ;  Shakespeare  makes  the 
slight  change  for  the  sake  of  the  metre  (to  get  4  syllables  out  of  the  name). 

14.  lliat^  so  that.    //,  grief. 

15.  Voliunnius ;  "a  grave  and  wise  philosopher,  that  had  been 
with  Brutus  from  the  beginning  of  this  war"  (North's  Plutarch,  p.  147). 

18.  several,  separate,  at  Sardis ;  this  was  the  apparition  recorded 
in  IV.  3.  275 — 287. 

19.  here  in  Phil ippi fields.  Cf.  North's  Plutarch:  "The  selfsame 
night  [i.e.  before  the  battle],  it  is  reported  that  the  monstrous  spirit 
which  had  appeared  before  unto  Brutus  in  the  city  of  Sardis,  did  now 
appear  again  unto  him  in  the  selfsame  shape  and  form,  and  so  vanished 
away,  and  said  never  a  word"  (p.  147). 

22.  how  it  goes;  the  clause  is  explanatory  of  the  direct  object  *'  the 
world."  Cf.  Richard  IL  ill.  3.  61,  "mark  King  Richard,  how  he 
looks."  Shakespeare  uses  this  construction  often,  especially  after  verbs 
of  perception.    So  in  Luke'w,  34,  "  I  know  thee  who  thou  art." 

23.  beat  us  to  the  pit;  like  animals  driven  by  hunters. 

28.  on  it,  i.e.  the  sword,  implied  in  *'  sword-hilts." 

29.  an  office  for,  a  service  for  a  friend  to  do. 

3i>  33-   yo'i^>  addressing  equals,    thee;  addressing  his  servant. 

37.  Octavius... Mark  Antony;  of  whom  posterity  would  say  that 
they  had  slain  good  men,  to  usurp  tyrannical  power  not  pertaining 
to  them"  (North's  Plutarch,  p.  151).  As  the  vanquishers  of  those  who 
fought  for  freedom  and  against  tyranny  they  will  (Brutus  thinks)  have 
won  a  "  vile  conquest."    So  Milton  in  the  Sonnet  "  Daughter  to  that 

sc.  v.] 


good  Earl"  calls  the  battle  of  Chseronea  a  **  dishonest  victory,"  i.e.  one 
which  was  dishonourable  {inhonestus)  to  the  victors,  because  it  crushed 
the  freedom  of  the  Greeks  and  established  the  supremacy  of  Philip  of 
Macedon  over  Greece. 

44.  stay  by,  help ;  as  we  say,  *  stand  by.' 

45.  respect^  reputation ;  cf.  i.  2.  59. 

46.  smatch^  taste,  tincture  ;  see  G. 

50.    now  be  still;  because  avenged  by  the'dealh  of  Brutus ;  no  more 
need  *'  Caesar's  spirit  range  for  revenge"  (iii.  i.  270). 
58,  59.    Referring  to  the  last  Scene,  20 — 25. 

60.  entertain^  take  into  my  service  ;  see  G. 

61.  bestow^  spend.    See  Extract  48  from  Plutarch, 

62.  prefer^  recommend. 

68 — 75.  A  notable  speech,  since  it  sums  up  exactly  the  two  main 
and  dissimilar  motives  which  led  to  the  murder  of  Caesar :  on  the  one 
hand,  the  pure  disinterested  patriotism  of  Brutus  who  sought  only  the 
good  (as  he  judged)  of  Rome;  on  the  other  hand,  the  personal  jealousy 
and  *' private  griefs"  (ill.  2.  217)  of  Cassius  and  the  rest. 

This  generous  and  genuine  admiration  of  his  enemy's  merits  is  one 
of  the  pleasantest  traits  in  Antony's  character.  See  Extract  47  from 

69.    savc.h^;  see  save  in  the  *  Glossary.' 

71,  72.  general  honest  thought.., common  good  to  alL  Cf.  II.  i.  12; 
III.  I.  170  ;  with  notes. 

73 — 75.  S^Q  Inti^oduction,-^-^.  X,  \x — xxiv.  gentle.  What  incidents 
in  the  play  have  illustrated  this  quality  of  Brutus  ?    elements ;  see  G. 

75.  Another  of  the  links  with  Hamlet*,  compare 
He  was  a  man^  take  him  for  all  in  all, 

I  shall  not  look  upon  his  like  again"  (i.  2.  187,  188). 

76,  77.  let  us  use  him  with  all  respect.  Strictly,  it  was  Antony,  nut 
Octavius,  who  gave  orders  to  this  effect;  see  Extract  46  (last  3  lines) 
from  Plutarch.  No  doubt,  Shakespeare  made  the  change  designedly. 
Octavius  is  to  be  the  new  "Caesar,"  inheritor  of  all  that  Julius  had 
created,  representative  of  that  "  Caesarism  "  which  the  conspirators  had 
wholly  failed  to  kill — rather,  had  strengthened — when  they  struck  down 
the  mortal  frame  of  the  Dictator  (cf.  II.  i,  169,  note).    It  is  fitting  that 

Caesarism"  should,  through  Octavius,  have  the  last  word. 

76.  virtue^  worth. 

77.  burial;  Brutus*s  body  was  cremated;  see  ill.  2.  259,  note. 
80,  81,  field t  army,  party  share. 


Abbreviations  : — 

A.  S.  =  Anglo-Saxon,  i.e.  English  down  to  about  the  Conquest. 
Middle  E.  =  Middle  English,  i.e.  English  from  about  the  Conquest 
to  about  1500. 

Elizabethan  E.  =  the  English  of  Shakespeare  and  his  contem- 
poraries (down  to  about  1650). 

O.  F.  =  01d  French,  i.e.  till  about  1600.    F.  =  modern  French. 
Germ.  =  modern  German.    Gk.=:  Greek. 
Ital.  =  modern  Italian.    Lat.  =  Latin. 

NOTE:  In  using  the  Glossary  the  student  should  pay  very 
careful  attention  to  the  context  in  which  each  word  occurs. 

abide,  iii.  i.  94,  iii.  2.  119;  literally  'to  await  {bide)  the  conse- 
quences of;  hence  '  to  answer,  suffer  for.'  This  use  oi  abide  was  partly 
due  to  confusion  with  aby  (connected  with  buy),  '  to  pay  for,'  e.g.  to 
pay,  i.e.  suffer,  for  an  offence.  Cf.  A  Midsuiiivier-Night'' s  Dream^  III.  2. 
335,  where  the  ist  Quarto  has,  '*  Thou  shalt  aby  it,"  the  Folios  abide, 

addressed,  iii.  i.  29,  'ready,  prepared';  cf.  1  Henry  IV.,  iv.  4.  5, 
Our  navy  is  address'd,  our  power  (i.e.  army)  collected."  Milton  uses 
the  noun  a^ia^r^jj  =  ' preparation '  in  Samson  Agonistes,  731  ("But  now 
again  she  viakes  address  to  speak,"  i.e.  prepares). 

afeard,  11.  2.  67 ;  used  by  Shakespeare  in  the  same  sense  as  afraid. 
Of  course,  the  words  are  quite  distinct ;  afeard  being  the  past  participle 
of  afear,  *  to  frighten,'  A.  S.  dfaran,  in  which  a-  is  an  intensive  prefix ; 
and  afraid  the  participle  of  affray,  from  O.  F.  effraier=l^o\\  Lat. 
exfrediare,  *to  break  the  peace,  disturb'  (cf.  Germ.  Friede,  'peace'). 



aim,  I.  2.  163.  The  notion  'guess'  points  to  the  original  sense,  viz. 
*to  estimate.'  Atmy  esteem^  estimate  all  come  in  different  ways  from 
Lat.  aestimare^  *to  value.' 

alarum;  another  form  of  alarm,  from  Ital.  alV  arme,  'to  arms!' 
(Lat.  ad  ilia  arma);  properly  an  alarum  or  alarm  was  a  summons  to 
take  up  arms.  Cf.  Paradise  Lost,  iv.  985,  where  alarmed  means  that 
Satan  was  prepared  for  the  fight,  not  that  he  was  afraid.  Now  alarum 
keeps  the  idea  *  summons,  call, '  while  alarm  indicates  the  fear  which 
such  a  summons  causes. 

alchemy,  l.  3.  159,  'the  art  of  transmuting  base  metals  into  gold.' 
From  Arabic  alkimia  —  al^  *the'  (Arabic  axticle)  +  kmilaj  a  corruption 
of  late  Greek  x^/^^<*»  *  chemistry.'  Probably  xv/^^<^  was  the  Greek  form 
of  the  old  name  of  Egypt  ('  the  land  of  Khem ')  and  meant  *  the  Egyptian 
art.'  Later  the  word  got  confused  with  x^etj^,  *to  pour,'  and  xfyttos, 
*sap,'  whence  the  form  x^l^^^^  to  which  we  owe  the  spellings  'alchj/my,' 
and  'chjj/mist'  (short  for  '  alchjj/mist'). 

an.  Note  that — (i)  an  is  a  weakened  form  of  and  {d  often  drops  off 
from  the  end  of  a  word:  cf.  lawn  =  laund)\  (2)  and=.^iV  was  a  regular 
use;  (3)  till  about  1600  this  full  form  and,  not  the  shortened  form  an, 
was  commonly  printed.  Cf.  Bacon,  Essays  (23),  "  They  will  set  an 
house  on  fire,  and  it  were  but  to  roast  their  egges";  Matthew  xxiv.  48, 
'*But  and  2/"  that  evil  servant  shall  say."  The  Quartos  and  ist  Folio 
(1623)  of  Shakespeare  often  have  and  where  modern  texts  print  an. 

How  ajid  or  an  came  to  mean  'if  is  much  disputed. 

amioy,  i.  3.  22,  11.  i.  160;  always  used  by  Shakespeare  in  the 
strong  sense  *  to  molest,  harm.'  So  Milton  speaks  of  Samson's  strength 
being  given  him  that  he  might  'annoy'  the  Philistines  [Samson  Agojtistes, 
578).  Cf.  annoyance  =-^'m]mY,  harm,'  Macbeth,  V.  i.  84.  Through 
O.  F.  anoi,  *  vexation'  (modern  F.  ennui),  from  Lat.  in  odio,  as  in  the 
phrase  est  mihi  in  odio,  '  it  is  odious  to  me.' 

apparent,  11.  i.  198,  '  manifest '  =  Lat.  apparens,  Cf.  Richard  III,, 
III.  5.  30,  "apparent  open  guilt."  It  always  has  this  sense  in  Milton; 
see  Paradise  Lost,  iv.  608,  x.  112.  In  Numbers  xii.  8,  "  With  him  will  I 
speak  mouth  to  mouth,  even  apparently,"  the  Revised  Version  has 
'  manifestly.' 

arrive,  i.  2.  no,  '  to  reach';  for  this  transitive  use  cf.  3  Henry  VI,, 
V.  3.  8,  "those  powers... have  arrived  our  coast."  So  in  Paradise  Lost, 
II.  409,  "ere  he  arrive  the  happy  isle."  In  Elizabethan  E.  the  omission 
of  a  preposition  with  *  verbs  of  motion'  is  common  ;  cf.  1.  I.  47.  From 
Lat.  ady  *  to '  +  ripa,  '  shore,  bank.' 


augurer,  ii.  i.  '200,  'augur,  soothsayer';  properly  an  official  at 
Rome  who  had  to  observe  and  interpret  the  auspices,  signs  and  omens 
like  thunder,  the  flight  and  cries  of  birds  etc.,  before  any  public  business 
or  ceremony.  Lat.  augurium  is  supposed  to  be  connected  with  avisy 
*a  bird,'  and  gar^  from  the  root  of  garrire^  *  to  talk  ' ;  cf.  garriuus. 

bay,  '  to  bark,'  or  'bark  at'  (iv.  i.  49,  iv.  3.  27);  then  *  to  drive  or 
bring  to  bay'  (ill.  i.  204).  Cf.  '  to  be  at  bay,^  said  of  an  animal,  e.g.  a 
stag,  turning  at  the  last  to  face  its  pursuers ;  literally  the  phrase  means 
'to  be  at  the  baying  or  barking  of  the  hounds '  =  F.  etre  aux  ahois.  This 
word  bay  is  short  for  abay ;  cf.  F.  aboi,  'barking.'  (The  connection 
with  Lat.  bauba7'i  is  doubtful.) 

be,  I.  2.  208;  beest,  11.  3.  7.  The  root  be  was  conjugated  in  the 
present  tense  indicative,  singular  and  plural,  up  till  about  the  middle  of 
the  1 7th  century.  The  singular,  indeed,  was  almost  limited  in  Elizabethan 
E.  to  the  phrase,  "if  thou  beesi^^^  where  the  indicative  beest  really  has 
the  force  of  a  subjunctive;  cf.  The  Tempest,  v.  134,  "If  thou  be'st 
Prospero."  For  the  plural,  cf.  Genesis  xWi.  32,  "  we  be  twelve  brethren," 
and  Matthew  xv.  14,  "they  be  blind  leaders." 

beholding,  iii.  2.  70,  72,  'obliged,  indebted';  cf.  Richard  II. ,  IV. 
160,  "  Little  are  we  beholding  to  your  love."  This  common  use  arose 
through  confusion  with  beholden,  literally  =' held'  and  so  'held  by  a  tie 
of  obligation,'  i.e.  indebted. 

bill,  V.  2.  I,  'written  paper,  note';  cf.  the  diminutive  billet.  See 
Extracts  9,  10  from  Plutarch.  Also  '  a  public  announcement,  placard ' 
(iv.  3.  173)— almost  the  modem  use  =' advertisement.'  A  bill  was 
so-called  from  its  seal  (Lat.  bulla)-,  cf.  =  ' papal  edict,'  likewise 
named  from  the  bulla  or  seal. 

bootless,  III.  I.  75;  cf.  the  verb,  "it  boots  not  to  complain"  =  *  it  is 
no  good  to,'  Richard  11,^  ill.  4.  18.  From  A.  S.  bSt,  'advantage, 
good,'  which  comes  from  the  same  root  as  better^  best, 

carrion;  Low  Lat.  caronia,  *a  carcase,'  from  caro,  'flesh.'  Properly 
used  of  corrupted  flesh,  as  in  iii.  i.  275;  also  an  offensive  term  of 
contempt,  as  in  li.  i.  130,  and  in  The  Merry  Wives  of  Windsor,  ill.  3. 
205,  "that  foolish  carrion.  Mistress  Quickly." 

cautelous,  II.  i.  129,  'deceitful,  not  to  be  trusted';  cf.  CoriolanuSj 
IV.  r.  33,  "caught  with  cautelous  baits  and  practice"  (  =  stratagem). 
Cf.  the  noun  cautel ~  *  di^ctii,  craft,'  Hamlet,  i.  3.  15.  Ultimately 
from  Lat.  cautela,  '  \)Xtcaution,^  from  cavere,  'to  beware.' 

censure,  iii.  2.  16,  'to  judci^e';  the  original  sense  (Lat.  censere,  *to 
estimate,  judge'),  common  in  Elizabethan  E.   So  censure  =* ']\xdgmQnt' ; 


cf.  Hamlet^  I.  3.  69,  Take  each  man's  censure,  but  reserve  thy  judge- 
ment." As  we  are  apt  to  judge  others  unfavourably,  censure  has  come 
to  mean  *  blame':  an  instance  of  the  natural  tendency  of  words  to 
deteriorate  in  sense. 

ceremony;  sometimes  (cf.  i.  i.  70)  used  =  *a  thing  symbolical  of 
ceremony  and  pomp,'  *  an  external  attribute  of  worship* — i.e.  abstract 
for  concrete.    Cf.  Measure  for  Measure,  ii.  2.  59,  60: 

"  No  ceremony  that  to  great  ones  'longs  (belongs), 
Not  the  king's  crown,  nor  the  deputed  sword " ; 
and  Sidney's  Apologie  for  Poetrie  (Pitt  Press  ed.  ]).  33),  bow  he 
(i^^^neas)  governeth  himself  in  the  ruine  of  his  Country,  in  the  preserving 
his  old  Father,  and  carrying  away  his  religious  cere7)ionies^^ at- 
tributes coiniected  with  his  worship,  the  sacra^  Penates.  In  11.  i.  197, 
II.  1.  13,  ceremonies  =' signs,  portents.' 

charactery,  11.  i.  308,  'that  which  is  charactered,  i.e.  writing';  cf. 
The  Merry  Wives  of  Windsor,  v.  5.  77,  "  Fairies  use  flowers  for  their 
charactery,"  where  the  context  shows  that  'writing'  is  the  sense.  Gk. 
Xa/)a/cr?7/),  *  a  stamp,  mark,'  whence  character  =  *  letter'  or  '  handwriting.' 

charm,  11.  i.  271,  '  to  lay  a  spell  upon,'  and  so  '  adjure.'  Char?n  from 
Lat.  earmold  *song  or  incantation,'  and  e7tchant  from  Lat.  incantare^ 
still  kept  the  notion  of  'spell,  magical  power';  cf.  Milton's  Samson 
Agonisies^  934,  "Thy  fair  enchanted  cup  and  warbling  charms."  The 
force  of  the  two  words  weakened  as  the  belief  in  magic  declined. 

clean,  i.  3.  35,  *  entirely,  quite.'  Now  a  colloquial  use,  but  not  so 
then.  Cf.  Psabn  Ixxvii.  8,  "Is  his  mercy  clean  gone  for  ever?";  and 
Isaiah  xxiv.  19,  "The  earth  is  utterly  broken  down,  the  earth  is  clean 

climate,  I.  3.  32,  'region,  country';  cf.  Richard  II.,  IV.  130, 
"in  a  Christian  climate."  Similarly  Shakespeare  uses  cli?}ie=^  xQgion^ 
or  'temperature.'    Both  come  ultimately  from  Gk.  K\ifJLa,  'slope,  region.* 

closet,  II.  I.  35;  O.  F.  c/oset,  a  diminutive  of  c/os,  an  tnc/osed 
space;  from  Lat.  claudere,  *to  shut.' 

cognizance,  11.  2.  89,  'badge';  a  term  in  heraldry  for  a  device  or 
emblem  by  which  the  retainers  of  a  noble  house  were  known ;  from  Lat. 
cognoscere,  *to  know.'  Cf.  Scott,  Marmion^  vi.  2,  "The  cognizance  of 
Douglas  blood."    Shakespeare  often  draws  on  heraldry  for  illustrations. 

colour,  II.  I.  29,  'pretext,  excuse';  cf.  Lat.  color  similarly.  A 
favourite  word  in  North's  Plutarch;  cf.  "  that  it  might  aj)pear  they  had 
just  cause  and  colour  to  attempt  that"  (p.  92).  Rarely  used  in  a  good 
sense  —  '  reason,  true  cause.* 



con,  IV.  3.  98,  'to  learn  by  heart';  cf.  Twelfth  Night,  I.  5.  186,  "I 
have  taken  great  pains  to  con  it"  (viz.  a  speech).  Often  used  of  an 
actor  committing  his  part  to  memory;  cf.  Wordsworth,  Ode  on  Intima- 
tions of  Immortality,  102,  "  The  little  actor  cons  another /^zr/."  Cognate 
with  A.  S.  cunnaii,  'to  know,'  cunning,  can. 

conceit,  i.  3.  162,  in.  i.  192,  'to  judge';  cf.  Othello^  ill.  3.  149, 
"  one  that  so  imperfectly  conceits,"  i.e.  judges  so  faultily.  A  common 
meaning  of  the  noun  was  'mental  faculty,'  whence  the  power  of  judging: 
as  most  people  judge  themselves  favourably  the  notion  'self-conceit' 
came  in;  cf.  Romans  xii.  16,  "  Be  not  wise  in  your  own  conceits." 

couching,  111.  i.  36;  for  conch  =  ^\.o  bow,  stoop,  do  obeisance,'  cf. 
Roister  Doister  (i 551),  I.  4.  In  Genesis  xlix.  14 — "  Issachar  is  a  strong 
ass  couching  down  between  two  burdens" — the  sense  is  *  stooping.' 
F.  coiu  her. 

counters,  iv.  3.  80;  properly  round  pieces  of  base  metal  used  in 
calculations;  cf.  The  Winter* s  Tale,  iv.  3.  38,  "  I  cannot  do't  [the  sum] 
without  counters."  Applied  contemptuously,  as  here,  to  money,  or  to 
anything  worthless.  From  Late  Lat.  computatorium^  from  computare^ 
'  to  calculate.' 

cynic,  iv.  3.  133;  Gk.  kwlkos,  'doglike,  currish,'  from  KvcoPf  *a  dog. 
The  followers  of  Antisthenes,  founder  of  the  sect  of  Cynic  philosophers, 
were  called  kvvlko'i  in  popular  allusion  to  their  '  currish '  mode  of  life  and 
ascetic  disregard  of  all  usages  and  enjoyments.  Diogenes  (b.c.  412 — 323) 
was  the  most  noted  of  the  Cynics. 

degree,  11.  i.  26,  *step';  cf.  Coriolanus,  11.  2.  29,  "his  ascent  \^  not 
by  such  easy  degrees,'^  and  Paradise  Lost^  ill.  502.  O.  ¥.  gre^  *step,' 
Lat.  gradus. 

dint,  III.  2.  198,  'impression' — the  mark  left  by  a  blow  (A.  S.  dynt)\ 
cf.  Venus  and  Adonis,  354,  "  new-fall'n  snow  takes  any  dint."  Dent  is 
another  spelling. 

discomfort,  v.  3.  106,  'discourage.'  In  Elizabethan  wnitxs  comfort 
was  a  word  of  various  signification,  meaning  'to  encourage,'  'help,' 
'strengthen';  cf.  the  Prayer-Book  "to  succour,  help,  and  comfort,  all 
that  are  in  danger,  necessity,  and  tribulation"  ('The  Litany').  See  too 
yohn  xiv.  16,  where  Comfoi'ter  means  * strengthener '  or  'helper'  (Re- 
vised Version),  and  18,  "I  will  not  leave  you  comfortless,"  i.e.  desolate, 
without  support.  The  original  notion  was  'to  make  fortis,^  from  con- 

doomsday,  iii.  i.  98;  A.  S.  ddmes  dceg,  'day  of  judgment.'  Cf. 
A.  S.  dhnan^  *  to  judge,'  whence  dee7n.    We  get  the  same  root  in  Gk, 


eifXLS,  Maw,'  from  Tiei]^L,  *I  set';  the  notion  being  'something  laid 
down — a  decision. ' 

element.  It  was  an  old  belief  that  all  existing  things  consist  oifour 
elements  or  constituent  parts,  viz.  fire,  water,  earth  and  air;  that  in  the 
human  body  these  elements  appear  as  four  moistures  or  *  humours,'  viz. 
choler  ( =  fire),  phlegm  ( =  water) , melancholy  ( =  earth), blood  ( =  air) ;  and 
that  a  man's  'temperament'  or  nature  depends  on  how  ih^^Q  elements  or 
*  humours'  are  *  tempered,'  i.e.  mixed,  in  him.  Cf.  V.  5.  73,  and  Twelfth 
Night,  II.  3.  10,  "Does  not  our  life  consist  of  the  four  elements?" 
Eletnent  came  to  be  used  specially  of  one  of  the  four  *  elements,' 
viz.  the  air  and  sky;  cf.  i.  3.  128,  and  North's  Pluta^xh^  "The 
night  before  the  battle,  men  saw  a  great  firebrand  in  the  element," 
i.e.  sky  (p.  81). 

emulation,  11.  3.  14,  *  jealousy,  envy';  the  usual  sense  in  Shake- 
speare— not  'rivalry.'  Cf.  As  You  Like  It,  I.  i.  150,  "an  envious 
emulato)'  of  every  man's  good  parts"  (i.e.  envier).  In  Galatians  v.  20, 
"variance,  emulations,  wrath,"  the  Revised  Version  changes  to  'jeal- 
ousies'; see  too  Romans  xi.  14.    Lat.  amulari,  'to  strive  to  equal.' 

entertain,  v.  5.  60,  '  to  take  into  service';  cf.  The  Two  Gentlemen  of 
Verona,  11.  4.  no,  "Sweet  lady,  entertain  him  for  your  servant." 
F.  entretenir,  '  to  maintain,  support.' 

fantasy,  11.  i.  231;  fancy  is  a  shortened  form.  Akin  to  phantasma 
(it.  f.  65),  phantom.  All  come  ultimately  from  Gk.  (^o^vra^eiVy  'to 
iriake  visible,  display.' 

favour,  I.  2.  91,  II.  T.  76,  'face,  countenance.'  Cf.  Richard  IL, 
IV.  168,  "I  well  remember  the  favours  of  these  men."  First  favour 
meant  'kindness,'  then  (2)  'expression  of  kindness  in  the  face,'  then 
(3)  the  face  itself. 

fell.  III.  I.  269;  Old  English  fel,  'fierce,  cruel';  akin  to  felon,  the 
older  sense  of  which  was  '  a  fierce,  savage  man,'  then  '  one  who  robbed 
with  violence,'  and  so  any  robber. 

fleer,  i.  3.  117,  'to  grin,'  from  a  Scandinavian  word  'to  titter, 
giggle';  hence  the  common  sense  '  to  laugh  at,  mock';  cf.  Ro^neo^  I.  5. 

59,  "To  fleer  and  scorn  at  our  solemnity."  So  in  Tennyson's  Queen 
Mary,  II.  2  : 

"  I  have  heard 
One  of  your  Council  fleer  and  jeer  at  him." 
fond.  III.  I.  39,  'foolish';  its  old  meaning.    Cf.  King  Lear ,  IV.  7. 

60,  "I  am  a  very  foolish  fond  old  man";  so  in  the  Prayer- Book^ 
'Articles,'  xxii.,  "  a  fond  thing  vainly  invented."    Originally  fond,  was 



the  past  participle  of  a  Middle  E.  verb  fonnen^  *to  act  like  a  fool,'  from 
the  noun *  a  fool/    The  root  is  Scandinavian. 

fret,  II.  I.  104,  'to  variegate.'  This  verb  fret  meant  *to  work  or 
design  with  frets.'*  A  fret  was  a  small  band;  the  word  comes  from 
O.  F.  frete^  *an  iron  band'  =  Ital.  f errata^  *an  iron  grating'  (cf.  Lat. 
ferrtwiy  'iron'),  "i^r^^work"  was  specially  used  of  a  kind  of  gilding 
for  the  roofs  of  halls;  it  was  a  pattern  formed  by  small  gilt  bands  or 
fi-ets  intersecting  each  other  at  right  angles.  Cf.  Bacon,  Advancement 
of  Learnutg,  ii.,  **  Beautiful  works  and  orders,  like  the  frets  in  the  roof 
of  a  house."  So  Shakespeare  uses  fretted  m.  HaiJilet^  11.  2.  313,  ''this 
majestical  roof  fretted  with  golden  fire,"  and  in  Cyrnbeline^  II.  4.  88. 
Here  he  means  that  the  streaks  of  dawn  intersect  the  clouds  and 
variegate  them  as  with  a  kind  of  fret-work  pattern.  (The  verb  fret  —  ^  to 
adorn'  is  of  quite  distinct  origin,  coming  from  A.  S.fratwan.) 

given,  'disposed'  (i.  2.  197);  Falstaff  says  that  he  was  "virtuously 
given,"  I  Henry  IV.,  III.  3.  16.    Also  'addicted'  (ii.  i.  188). 

handiwork,  i.  i.  30;  A.  S.  ha7id-\- geweorc ;  geweorc  is  the  same  as 
weorc,  *  work,'  since  the  prefix  ge-  does  not  affect  the  sense  {^^^ yearn). 
The  i  in  *  hand /work  '  is  a  relic  of  this  prefix  ge-, 

havoc,  III.  I.  273  ;  especially  used  in  '  to  cry  "  havoc"  '  =  *  to  give  no 
quarter,  spare  none,'  i.e.  a  signal  for  indiscriminate  slaughter.  Cf  King 
John,  II.  357,  "Cry,  'havoc,'  kings,"  and  Coriolanus,  ill.  r.  275. 
Apparently  connected  with  O.  F.  havot,  *  plunder,'  the  whole  phrase 
being  imitated  from  O.  F.  crier  havot, 

hearse,  iii.  1.  169;  probably  'coffin,'  rather  than  'bier'  (on  which 
the  coffin  rested).  Derived  from  Lat.  hirpex,  *  a  harrow,'  hearse  origin- 
ally meant  a  triangular  frame  shaped  like  a  harrow,  for  holding  lights 
at  a  church  service,  especially  the  services  in  Holy  Week.  Later,  hearse 
was  applied  to  the  illumination  at  a  funeral,  and  then  to  almost  every- 
thing connected  with  a  funeral.  Thus  it  could  signify  the  dead  body, 
the  coffin,  the  pall  covering  it,  the  bier,  the  funeral  car,  the  service  (cf. 
the  Glosse  to  the  Shepheards  Calender,  November),  and  the  grave. 
Sometimes  therefore  its  exact  sense  is  doubtful;  cf.  Hamlet,  i.  4.  47, 
"  hearsed  in  death,"  where  'entombed'  or  *  encoffined '  is  equally  suitable. 

his;  the  regular  neuter  possessive  pronoun  till  about  1600;  cf. 
Genesis  i.  11,  "herb  yielding  seed  after  his  kind,"  and  iii.  15,  "//  shall 
bruise  thy  head,  and  thou  shalt  bruise  his  heel."  At  the  close  of  the 
T6th  century  its  came  into  use,  but  slowly.  Spenser  never  has  its;  the 
Bible  of  161 1  never;  Bacon  rarely;  Milton  only  three  times  in  his  poetry 
{Nativity  Ode,  ro6,  Paradise  Lost,  I.  254,  IV,  813),  and  very  rarely  in 



his  prose;  and  Shakespeare  is  doubtful.  In  no  extant  text  of  any  of  his 
works  printed  prior  to  his  death  does  its  occur :  hence  the  nine  instances 
in  the  ist  Folio  (five  in  a  single  play,  The  Winter* s  Tale)  have  been  sus- 
pected as  tamperings  with  the  original.  For  his  use  of  the  old  idiom 
see  I.  2.  124,  IV.  3.  8  and  16,  v.  3.  25. 

hurtle,  II.  2.  22,  *  to  clash' ;  the  frequentative  verb  of  hurt  in  its  old 
sense  *  to  dash ' ;  cf.  F.  keurter^  '  to  dash,  strike  against.'  The  word 
implies  violent,  rushing  motion  and  the  noise  made  thereby.  See  As 
You  Like  Ity  IV.  3.  132.    Hurl  is  short  for  httrtle. 

incorporate,  i.  3.  i35  =  incorporat^dr.  A  noticeable  point  in  Eliza- 
bethan English  is  the  tendency  to  make  the  past  participles  of  verbs  of 
Latin  origin  conform  with  the  Latin  forms.  This  is  the  case  especially 
with  verbs  of  which  the  Latin  originals  belong  to  the  ist  and  3rd 
conjugations.   Thus  Shakespeare  and  Milton  have  many  participles  like 

*  create'  [creatus)^  'consecrate'  (consecratus)  ^  *  dedicate,'  where  the 
termination  -ate^  in  modern  English  -<a;/^^/,  =  Lat.  -atuSf  the  passive 
participial  termination  of  the  ist  conjugation. 

So  with  the  Latin  3rd  conjugation;  Latinised  participles  such  as 
distract  {distractus) — iv.  3.  155 — *  deject'  (dejectus)^  'attent'  {attentus), 

•  suspect,'  'addict'  {addiifus),  'pollute'  {polluius)^  with  many  others,  are 
to  be  found  in  Shakespeare  or  Milton.  Further,  participles  not  from  the 
Latin  are  abbreviated  by  analogy;  e.g.  Milton  {Paradise  Lost^  I.  193) 
has  '  uplift '  =  *  uplift^^,'  though  lift  is  of  Scandinavian  origin. 

indirection,  iv.  3.  75,  'dishonest  practice,  crooked  dealing.'  See 
King  John^  ill.  i.  276,  and  cf.  Richard  III.^  I.  4.  224,  "  He  needs  no 
indirect  nor  latvless  course."  Lat.  negative  prefix  ^  noV  +  directus, 
'straight';  so  the  metaphor  is  the  same  as  in  ' straightforward '  =  fair. 

insuppressive,  11.  i.  1 34.  In  modern  E.  the  suffix  ive  is  active = 'able 
or  inclined  to';  Elizabethan  writers  treated  it  as  both  active  and  passive. 
Cf.  As  You  Like  It i  ill.  2.  10,  "The  fair,  the  chaste  and  unexpressive 
she,"  i.e.  not  to  be  expressed.  So  uncomprehensive=-  'incomprehensible,' 
Troilus  and  Cressida,  III.  3.  198.  The  use  of  the  adjectival  terminations 
was  less  defined  and  regular  then  than  now. 

jiggling,  IV.  3.  137;  a  contemptuous  word  for  'rhyming';  cf. 
Marlowe's  Tamburlaine  I,  Prologue,  "  From  jigging  veins  of  rhyming 
mother  wits."  The  noun yV]^  sometimes  meant  a  farcical  ballad,  but  more 
often  a  merry  dance.  O.  F.  gige^  *a  fiddle,  dance';  cf.  Germ,  geige^ 
*a  fiddle.' 

kerchief,  11.  i.  315,  *a  cloth  to  cover  {couvrir)  the  head  (O.  F.  chef 
from  caput)  ^  \  'kerchiefs'  are  shown  in  illuminated  MSB.  and  in  old 



monuments  of  women.  Gradually  the  notion  of  *head'  was  lost,  and 
the  word  came  to  mean  simply  *  covering':  hence  hana-kerchuf,  neck- 

knave,  iv.  3.  241,  269,  'boy';  the  original  sense;  cf.  Germ,  knabe^ 
*  boy.'  Often  a  kindly  form  of  address;  cf.  King  Lear  ^  I.  4.  103,  "Now, 
my  friendly  knave,  I  thank  thee." 

lief,  I.  2.  95;  an  adjective  =  *  dear';  cf.  "my  liefest  liege"  =  *my 
dearest  lord,'  2  Henry  VI.,  ill.  i.  164.  Akin  to  Germ,  lieb ;  cf.  lieb 
haben,  *  to  hold  dear,'  and  O.  F.  avoir  cker.  "  I  had  as  lief  not  be  as 
live"  may  be  analysed — 'I  would  consider  (  =  have)  it  as  pleasant  a 
thing  not  to  be  as  to  live,  etc' 

marry,  i.  2.  229;  corrupted  from  the  name  of  the  'Virgin  Mary*\ 
cf.  "by'r  /a^/"  =  'by  our  Lady,'  i.e,  the  Virgin.  Such  expressions 
dated  from  the  pre- Reformation  times  in  England.  The  common 
meanings  of  marry  are  '  indeed,  to  be  sure'  and  '  why'  (as  an  expletive 
implying  some  contempt). 

merely,  i.  2.  39,  'absolutely,  quite';  a  common  Elizabethan  use; 
cf.  Ha?nlet,  I.  2.  137.  So  w<?r^= ' absolute,  unqualified':  e.g.  "his 
mere  enemy,"  The  Merchant  of  Venice,  ill.  2.  265.  Lat.  meriis,  *  pure, 

methinks,  iii.  2.  113;  metliouglit.  These  are  really  impersonal 
constructions  such  as  were  much  used  in  pre-Elizabethan  English  ;  their 
meaning  is,  'it  seems,  or  seemed,  to  me.'  The  pronoun  is  a  dative,  and 
the  verb  is  not  the  ordinary  verb  'to  think' =-K.  S.  \>encany  but  an 
obsolete  impersonal  verb  'to  seem' =  A.  S.  \>ynca7t.  These  cognate 
verbs  got  confused  through  their  similarity;  the  distinction  between 
them  as  regards  usage  and  sense  is  shown  in  Milton's  Paradise 
Regained,  ii.  266,  "  Him  thought  he  by  the  brook  of  Cherith  stood  "  = 
'  to  him  it  seem.ed  that '  etc.  Cf.  the  difference  between  their  German 
cognates  denken,  'to  think,'  used  personally,  and  the  impersonal  es 
diinkt,  '  it  seems' ;  also  the  double  use  of  Gk.  8ok€ip.  For  the  old 
impersonal  constructions  cf.  Spenser,  Prothalamion  60,  "  Them  seem'd 
they  never  saw  a  sight  so  fayre." 

mettle,  i.  i.  66,  i.  2.  313, '  disposition,  temper';  sometimes  implying 
'high  temper,  bold  spirit'  (ii.  i.  134,  iv.  2.  24).  Mettle  is  only  another 
spelling  of  metal  (Lat.  metallum),  and  we  find  both  forms  indiscriminately 
in  the  ist  Folio.  Now  mettle  is  used  for  the  metaphorical  senses — 
'  temper,  spirit' ;  cf.  '  on  his  mettle.' 

mistook,  I.  2.  48.  Elizabethans  often  use  the  form  of  the  past  tense 
as  a  past  participle — cf.  took  (11.  i.  50),  shook  {Henry  V.,  V.  2.  191), 



forsook  (Othello^  iv.  2.  125),  stole  (ii.  i.  238) ;  and  conversely  with  certain 
verbs,  e.g.  begin ^  sing^  spring,  the  form  of  the  past  participle  as  a  past 
tense.  Thus  Shakespeare  and  Milton  nearly  always  write  sung  instead 
of  sang;  cf.  Paradise  Lost,  ill.  18,    I  sung  of  Chaos  and  eternal  night." 

moe,  or  mo,  11.  i.  72,  v.  3.  ioi  =  *more';  both  forms  (but  mot  is 
commoner)  are  used  without  any  distinction  in  the  ist  Folio,  and 
each  is  often  changed  to  more  in  the  later  Folios.  Middle  E.  mo^ 
from  A.  S.  md,  *  more,  others,'  indicated  number ;  more,  from 
A.  S.  mdra,  *  greater,'  indicated  magnitude ;  now  more  serves  both 
purposes.    In  Elizabethan  writers  moe  is  frequent ;  cf.  the  Faerie  Queene^ 

I.  3.  35,    All  these,  and  many  evils  moe  haunt  ire." 

morrow,  11.  i.  228,  'morning.'  These  two  words  and  morn  are 
cognates,  all  coming  from  the  Middle  E.  morwen,  which  was  softened 
from  A.  S.  morgen;  cf.  Germ,  morgen, 

napkin,  iii.  2.  138  =  *  handkerchief,'  as  always  in  Shakespeare.  The 
handkerchief  which  leads  to  such  trouble  between  Othello  and  Desdemona 
is  called  a  *  napkin'  several  times;  cf.  Othello,  iii.  3.  287,  290.  F. 
nappe,  *  cloth '  + diminutive  sufhx  kin;  cognates  napery,  'table-linen,* 
apron  (  =  a  napro7i). 

naughty,  i.  i.  16;  always  used  by  Shakespeare  =  *  bad,  good  for 
naught'  \  cf.  The  Merchant  of  Venice,  V.  91,  "So  shines  a  good  deed  in 
a  naughty  world."  Cf.  Proverbs  vi.  12,  "A  naughty  person,  a  wicked 
man,  walketh  with  a  froward  mouth."  Naught  is  a  negative  form  of 
aught \  the  old  negative  ne-\- audit  (<-onnected  with  whit), 

nice,  IV.  3.  8,  'trillhig';  from  Lat.  nescius,  'ignorant.'  Nice  first 
meant '  foolish,'  thence  'foolishly  particular,'  'dainty. '  So  a  ^^nice  offence" 
is  one  about  which  it  is  needless  to  be  too  particular.  Cf.  2  Henry  IV,, 
IV.  1. 190,  191,  "every  slight  cause. ..every  idle,  nice  and  wanton  reason." 

offal,  I.  3.  109,  'refuse';  properly  'bits  that  fall  off ,^  e.g.  chips  of 
wood  ;  cf.  cognate  Germ,  abfall,  *  rubbish.'  Used,  as  a  rule,  of  *  waste 
meat' — the  parts  of  an  animal  not  fit  for  eating. 

orchard,  iii.  2.  253;  in  Shakespeare  commonly,  if  not  always, 
=  *  garden.'  This  was  the  original  sense,  orchard  htmg  =  wort-yard, 
*  herb-garden ' :  w^7r/='  herb,  plant.'   Cf.  Marlowe's  Hero  and  Leander, 

II.  288,  "the  orchard  of  th'  Hesperides,"  i.e.  the  'garden.' 

orts,  IV.  I.  37,  'leavings,  remnants';  cf.  Troilus,  v.  2.  158,  159: 
"  The  fractions  of  her  faith,  orts  of  her  love, 
The  fragments,  scraps,  the  bits  and  greasy  relics." 
From  A.  S.  prefix  or,  ^  oni^  +  etafz,  'to  eat';  so  that  the  notion  in  ort 
is  *  something  left  after  the  best  part  has  been  eaten  away.' 

II — 2 


other,  IV.  3.  242  —  *  others ' ;  cf.  Psalms xWx,  10,  "  wise  men  also  die... 
and  leave  their  riches  for  other,"  and  Ixxiii.  8,  **  They  corrupt  other,  and 
speak  of  wicked  blasphemy"  (Prayer-Book  version).  In  Old  English 
other  was  declined  and  made  its  plural  othre:  when  the  plural  inflexion 
c  became  obsolete,  othi-e  became  obsolete,  and  for  a  time  other  was  used 
for  both  singular  and  plural:  this  proved  confusing,  and  a  fresh  plural 
others  was  formed  by  adding  the  ordinary  plural  suffix  -j. 

parley,  v.  1.  21,  'conversation,  conference';  especially  between 
enemies  with  a  view  to  an  agreement.  Cf.  parte  in  same  sense;  cf.  King 
jfohn^  II.  205,  "  Our  trumpet  call'd  you  to  this  gentle  parle."  parler, 

passion,  i.  2.  40,  48  ;  used  of  any  strong  feeling,  emotion — as  love, 
grief  (ill.  I.  283),  joy;  cf.  King  Lear  y  v.  3.  198,  "  'Twixt  two  extremes  of 
passion,  joy  and  grief."  Lat.  passio^  *  suffering,  feeling,'  from  pati^  *  to 

peevish,  v.  i.  61,  *  silly,  childish.'  Shakespeare  often  applies  the 
word  thus,  without  any  notion  of  ill- temper  or  fretfulness,  to  children  ; 
cf.  Richard  Ill.y  IV.  2.  100,  **  When  Richmond  was  a  little  peevish  boy." 
The  original  idea  was  '  making  a  plaintive  cry,'  as  the  peewit  does. 

physical,  11.  i.  261,  'wholesome,  salutary,'  from  the  notion  *  per- 
taining to  physic  =  remedy.'    Cf.  Coriolanus^  I.  i^.  19: 
"The  blood  I  drop  is  rather  physical 
Than  dangerous  to  me." 

prevent,  iii.  i.  35,  v.  i.  105,  *to  anticipate,  forestall';  cf.  Psalm  cxix. 
148,  **  Mine  eyes  prevent  the  night  watches,"  and  i  Thessalonians  iv.  15, 
**we  which  are  alive... shall  not  prevent  them  which  are  asleep,"  i.e. 
rise  before.  Hence  prevention  (11.  i.  85,  iii.  i.  19)  =  *  hindrance 
through  being  forestalled.'    \j3X.  prcevenire^  *to  come  before.' 

proper.  Used  in  three  senses  in  this  play,  (i)  *  One's  own' =  Lat. 
propriusy  '  own' ;  cf.  V.  3.  96,  and  Cymbeline,  IV.  2.  97,  '*  When  I  have 
slain  thee  with  my  proper  hand.'*  (2)  '  Peculiar  to' ;  cf.  I.  2.  41,  and 
Measure  for  Measure^  v.  no,  "faults  proper  to  himself."  (3)  *Fine'; 
cf.  I.  I.  28,  and  A  Midsummer  Night'* s  Dream^  I.  2.  88,  "a  proper... 
gentleman- like  man." 

property,  iv.  i.  40,  'tool';  cf.  King  John^  v.  2.  79,  "I  am  too 
high-born  to  be  propertied,"  i.e.  treated  as  a  mere  implement.  The 
idea  *  implement'  is  seen  in  "  stage-/rtf'/^r^2Vj"  =  stage-requisites. 

purpled,  III.  I.  158.  In  poetry  purple  (like  Lat.  purpureus)  often 
means  *red';  Elizabethan  writers  apply  it  to  blood.  Cf.  Richard  11.^ 
III.  3.  94,  "  The  pur  tie  testament  of  bleeding  war."  Cf.  7ro/)0i//)eov  oXyuo. 
and  Trop<pupeos  daparos  in  Homer,  and  Vergil's  purpurea  mors* 



purpose,  III.  I.  146.  The  phrase  *'to  the  purpose"  means  literally 
*in  conformity  to  one's  purpose  or  idea':  hence  'right,  correctly.'  A 
literal  translation  of  F.  i  propos ;  propos  and  purpose  are  practically  the 
same  word,  each  coming  from  Lat.  proposiluin. 

quick,  I.  2.  29,  300,  'full  of  life,  sprightly';  the  original  notion  of 
the. word  is  'life';  cf.  "the  quick  and  the  dead.'*  So  quicken^^io 
cause  to  live'  or  (intransitively)  *to  revive.*  "The  Mistress  which  I 
serve  quickens  \v hat's  dead,"  The  Tempest^  III.  i.  6. 

rascal,  iv.  3.  80.  A  term  of  the  chase  for  animals  not  worth 
hunting  on  account  of  their  lean,  poor  condition,  or  too  young;  cf.  As 
You  Like  Ity  III.  3.  58,  "  Horns?... the  noblest  deer  hath  them  as  huge 
as  the  rascal."  Hence  the  general  sense  'mean,  good  for  nothing.' 
F.  racaille,  *  rabble.' 

repeal,  iii.  i.  51 ;  in  the  literal  sense  '  to  recall'  (F.  rappeler^  Lat.  re^ 
^h2iQ\^''  ■\-appenarej  to  '  call,  summon'),  especially  from  exile  ;  cf.  Richard 
II.,  II.  2.  49,  "The  banished  Bolingbroke  repeals  himself,"  i.e.  returns 
from  exile. 

rheumy,  11.  i.  266,  'causing  cold.'  In  Shakespeare  rheum  has  its 
original  notion  'moisture,'  'flux';  2iX\&^' rheutnatic  diseases"  (A  Mid- 
summer-Nighfs  Dream,  11.  1.  105)  are  those  which  produce  a  flux  or 
flowing  of  the  'humours'  of  the  body,  e.g.  catarrhs,  coughs,  cold.  Gk. 
pevjiia,  'a  flowing,'  from  p^civ,  'to  flow.' 

rive,  I.  3.  6,  iv.  3.  85,  *  to  cleave,  split';  cf.  Coriolamis,  v.  3.  153,  "a 
bolt  (i.e.  thunderbolt)  that  should  but  rive  an  oak."  Now  uncommon 
except  in  the  participle  riven.  Akin  to  rift,  'a  fissure,  rent,'  and  reef 
(literally  *a  gap'  in  the  sea). 

rote,  IV.  3.  98;  always  used  in  the  phrase,  by  rote  =^*hy  heart,' 
literally  *in  a  beaten  track  or  route  ^ ;  cf.  routine.  From  O.  F.  rote, 
modern  F.  route,  'way'  =  Lat.  rupta  (i.e.  rupta  via),  *a  way  broken 
through  obstacles.' 

sad,  I.  2.  217,  'grave,  serious,*  without  any  notion  of  sorrow;  a 
common  use  then.  Cf.  Henry  F.,  IV.  i.  318,  "the  sad  and  solemn 
priests";  and  Milton,  Paradise  Lost,  vi.  541,  "in  his  face  I  see  sad 
resolution."  The  original  sense  was  'sated,'  A.  S.  seed  being  akin  to 
Lat.  satis,  *  enough.' 

save.  III.  2. 66,  v.  5.  69, '  except' ;  save  followed  by  the  nominative  case 
was  a  common  idiom  from  Chaucer's  time  to  Milton's.  Cf.  i  Kings  iii. 
18,  "  there  was  no  stranger  with  us  in  the  house,  save  we  two."  So  in 
Paradise  Lost,  II.  814,  ''''Save  he  who  reigns  above,  none  can  resist." 
In  these  instances  save  is  a  conjunction  of  participial  origin,  not  a 


preposition,  and  probably  came  from  an  absolute  construction.  Thus 
"save  I"  may  be  short  for  *I  being  save^/'  =  *  excepted.'  Now  save, 
like  except,  is  commonly  treated  as  a  preposition. 

security.  Elizabethan  writers  often  use  j^<://r^=' too  confident, 
careless,'  Lat.  securus.  Cf.  Richard  II.,  v.  3.  43,  "secure,  foolhardy 
king,"  and  Fletcher's  quibbling  lines, 

'*  To  secure  yourselves  from  these, 
Be  not  too  secure  in  ease." 
In  Macbeth,  ill.  5.  32,  ♦*  Security  is  mortal's  chiefest  enemy,"  the  sense 
is  'carelessness,  over-confidence' ;  so  in  this  play,  11.  3.  8. 

sennet ;  a  term  frequent  in  the  stage-directions  of  Elizabethan  plays 
for  a  set  of  notes  on  a  trumpet,  sounded  as  a  signal,  e.g.  of  departure 
(I.  2.  24);  what  notes  composed  a  'sennet'  is  not  known,  but  it  was 
different  from  a  'flourish'  (i.  1,  78).  Sometimes  spelt  signet,  which 
shows  the  derivation — O.  F.  signet,  Lat.  signum,  *  a  sign.' 

shrewdly,  iii.  i.  146;  used  by  Shakespeare  unfavourably  with  an 
intensive  force  =  ' highly,'  'very';  cf.  AlPs  Well  That  Ends  Well,  ill. 
5.  91,  "He's  shrewdly  vexed  at  something."  This  use  comes  from 
shrewd  (the  past  participle  of  schrewen,  'to  curse')  in  its  old  sense 
*bad' ;  cf.  King  John,  v.  5.  14,  "  foul  shrewd  news,"  i.e.  bad  news. 

Birrali,  iii.  i.  10;  a  contemptuous  form  of  address.  Derived  ulti- 
mately from  Lat.  senior;  cf.  sir—O.  F.  sire  from  senior  (whence  also 
Ital.  signor). 

smatcli,  V.  5.  46,  '  taste,  spice  of ;  a  softened  form  of  smack,  which 
was  sometimes  written  smach  in  Middle  E.  Cf.  1  Henry  IV.,  I.  2.  iii, 
"  Your  lordship... hath  yet  some  smack  of  age  in  you,  some  relish  of  the 
saltness  of  time."    Akin  to  Germ,  geschmcuk,  '  taste.' 

sooth,  'truth';  ci. forsooth,  soothsayer  (i.  2.  19).  Used  adverbially 
(cf.  ir.  4.  20,  "Sooth,  madam,  I  hear  nothing"),  sooth  is  short  for  '•in 
sooth. '    Adverbial  phrases  in  constant  use  naturally  get  abbreviated. 

stare,  iv.  3.  280,  'to  stiffen,  stand  on  end' ;  the  original  notion  was 
*  fixed,  stiff' ;  cf.  Germ,  starr,  '  stiff,'  and  the  verb  starren,  which,  like 
stare  in  E. ,  is  used  both  of  eyes  looking  fixedly  and  of  hair  *  standing  on 
end.'    Cf.  The  Te7npest^  i.  2.  213,  "with  hair  up-staring." 

stead,  V.  i.  85,  'place';  for  the  plural  cf.  1  Chronicles  v.  22,  "there 
fell  down  many  slain... And  they  dwelt  in  tlieir  steads  until  the  captivity." 
Obsolete  now  except  in  compounds,  e.g.  bedstead,  homestead,  instead. 
A.  S.  stede,  'place';  akin  to  Germ,  stadt,  'town.' 

success.  Its  usual  sense  in  Elizabethan  E.  is  '  result,  fortune' — how 
a  person  fares  in  a  matter,  or  a  thing  turns  out,  whether  well  or  ill.  So 



clearly  in  v.  3.  66,  **  good  success,"  and  in  Troilus  and  Cressida,  ii.  2. 
117,  **Nor  fear  of  bad  success  in  a  bad  cause."  It  also  meant,  as 
always  now,  *good  fortune*;  cf.  II.  2.  6,  v.  3.  65. 

testy,  IV.  3.  46,  *  easily  angered,  fretful' ;  cf.  Richard IILy  III.  4.  39 : 
"And  finds  the  testy  gentleman  so  hot, 
As  he  will  lose  his  head  ere  give  consent." 
O.  F.  tesiu,  *  heady,'  from  O.  F.  teste  (i.e.  t^te),  '  head.' 

thorougli.  III.  I.  136,  V.  I.  no;  a  later  form  of  through  (cf.  Germ. 
durch).  Then  not  uncommon;  cf.  Marlowe,  Faustus  (1604),  III.  106, 
"And  make  a  bridge  thorough  the  moving  air."  Used  by  modern 
writers  sometimes  for  the  sake  of  the  metre;  cf.  Coleridge,  Ancient 
Mariner^  64,  *'  Thorough  the  fog  it  came."  From  this  later  form  we 
have  thorough^  the  adj.  = 'complete,'  and  thoroughly, 

toU,  II.  I.  206,  *  snare' ;  F.  toilcy  *  cloth' ;  pi.  toiles,  *  toils,  snares  for 
wild  beasts.'    From  Lat  teta,  '  a  web,  thing  woven.' 

trash,  IV.  3.  26,  74.  Originally  meant  bits  of  broken  sticks  found 
under  trees — from  Icelandic  tros^ '  twigs  used  for  fuel,  rubbish ' ;  this  old 
meaning  is  seen  in  i.  3.  108.   Then  =  any '  refuse,  worthless  matter,  dross.' 

underling',  i.  2.  141,  'an  inferior.'  Diminutive  suffixes  such  as  -ing 
sometimes  express  contempt.;  cf.  '  hireling,'  '  worldling.' 

unmeritable,  iv.  i.  12,  *  devoid  of  merit.'  In  Elizabethan  waiters 
the  termination  -a^/tf,  now  commonly  passive,  was  often  active  =  -y^/; 
cf.  *tunea^/^'  =  tune/»/  in  A  Midsummer-Night's  Dream ^  1. 1. 184,  "  More 
tuneable  than  lark  to  shepherd's  ear."  We  still  have  'changeable,' 
'peaceable,*  and  some  others,  used  actively. 

unnumbered,  iii.  i.  63.  Elizabethan  writers  constantly  treat  the 
termination  -ed^  which  belongs  to  the  passive  participle,  as  equal  to  the 
adjectival  ending  -able ;  especially  with  words  which  have  the  negative 
prefix  and  the  sense  *  not  to  be.'    Cf.  unavoided= '  not  to  be 

avoided,  inevit<a;^/(f,'  and  unvalued  =.''ysxy2\\xable^^  Richard  II I. ^  IV.  4. 
217,  I.  4.  27.  So  in  Milton  often;  cf.  VAllegro^  40,  "unreproved 
pleasures  free"  =  *  not  to  be  reproved,  blameless.' 

vouchsafe,  'to  deign';  ordinarily  'deign  to  grant,'  but  also  *to 
accept'  (II.  I.  313);  cf.  Timon  of  Athens^  i.  i.  152,  "Vouchsafe  my 
labour"  (  =  accept  my  work).    Literally  to  vouch ^  or  warrant,  safe, 

while,  I.  3.  82,  '  the  time' ;  common  in  exclamations  of  grief  such  as 
"  woe"  (or  "  alas ")  "  the  while"  =  the  times,  the  age.  See  The  Merchant 
of  Venicty  II.  i.  31  and  Richard  III,,  II.  3.  8  ("  God  help  the  while"). 

yeaj^,  11.  2.  129,  *  to  grieve' ;  cf.  Henry  F.,  II.  3.  6,  "  FalstafFhe  is 
dead... we  must  yearn  therefore."    There,  as  here,  the  ist  Folio  reads 



earn;  cf.  the  Faerie  Queene,  III.  lo,  21,  "And  ever  his  faint  heart 
much  earned  at  the  sight."  Chaucer  uses  ermen,  *  to  grieve.'  The 
difference  in  spelling  arises  thus :  ear7i  comes  from  A.  S.  ear?nian^  '  to 
be  sad  {earm),'^  and  yearn  irom  ge-earmian,  where  is  merely  a  prefix 
which  does  not  affect  the  sense.  Cf.  ean  from  ednia?t,  and  y-ean  from 
ge-dnian.  In  each  the  prefix  ge-  has  softened  into  y-.  The  A.  S.  adj. 
earm  'poor,  sad'  is  akin  to  Germ,  arm^  'poor.'  {^Ycani^  'to  long  for,* 
is  distinct.) 


Th£  source  to  which  Shakespeare  owed  the  plot  of  Julius  Ccesar  is 
North's  translation  of  Plutarch's  Lives.  Plutarch,  a  Greek  writer  of  the 
first  century  A.D.,  wrote  the  biographies  of  many  celebrated  Greeks  and 
Romans.  There  was  a  French  translation  of  his  work  made  by  Jaques 
Amyot,  Bishop  of  Auxerre.  From  this  French  version,  not  from  the 
original  Greek,  this  collection  of  Lives  was  rendered  into  EngUsh  by 
Sir  Thomas  North.  North's  Plutarch  (as  it  is  commonly  called)  ap- 
peared in  1579;  numerous  reprints  proved  its  popularity  then.  It 
supplied  Shakespeare  with  the  material  of  his  three  Roman  plays,  Julius 
Casar,  Coriolanus^  and  Antony  and  Cleopatra  ;  with  some  details,  and 
the  names  of  certain  characters,  in  A  Midsummer- Nigh  f  s  Dream  and 
Timon  of  Athens ;  and  perhaps  with  some  of  the  classical  knowledge 
shown  in  the  allusions  scattered  throughout  his  plays. 

The  special  Lives  upon  which  Shakespeare  drew  for  the  facts  of 
Julius  Ccesar  were  those  of  Caesar,  Brutus,  and  Antony;  and  his 
obligations  may  be  ranged  under  three  headings.  He  owes  to  North's 
Plutarch  y 

( 1 )  The  whole  story  of  the  play ; 

(2)  Personal  details  concerning  some  of  the  characters  ; 

(3)  Occasional  turns  of  expression  and  descriptive  touches. 

(i)  That  the  whole  story  oi  Julius  Ccesar  is  derived  from  Plutarch 
will  be  made  plain  by  the  *'  Extracts "  which  are  given  later.  As 
illustrations  of  Shakespeare's  indebtedness  the  following  incidents  and 
details  of  the  play  may  be  noted  specially : 

The  Lupercalia  and  Antony's  offer  of  the  crown  :  the  interview 
between  Brutus  and  Portia :  the  omens  of  Caesar's  fall :  Calpurnia's  en- 
treaties and  Decius  Brutus's  persuasions:  the  warnings  of  the  Soothsayer 
and  Artemidorus :  the  murder:  Antony's  oration  and  the  reading  of  the 
will:  Cinna's  death  :  the  apparition  of  the  ghost :  the  battle  at  Philippi: 
the  deaths  of  Cassius  and  Brutus. 



(2)  By  personal  details"  concerning  the  dramatis  persona  2,x^ 
meant  such  points  as  these: 

Caesar's  ''falling  sickness,"  and  his  superstitiousness :  Antony's 
pleasure -loving  tastes:  Cicero's  fondness  for  Greek:  Cassius's  **  lean 
and  hungry  look,"  his  ** thick  sight,"  Epicurean  views,  ** choleric" 
temperament :  Brutus's  studious  habits  and  philosophy  (the  Stoic). 

(3)  Verbal  resemblances  between  Julius  Casar  and  North's  trans- 
lation occur  constantly.  We  may  suppose  that  Shakespeare  wrote  the 
play  with  the  narrative  of  the  Lives  fresh  in  his  memory,  and  thus, 
perhaps  unconsciously,  repeated  parts  of  what  he  had  read.  Several  of 
these  verbal  coincidences  have  been  pointed  out  in  the  Notes  j  some 
others  may  be  given  here. 

Indeed,  they  say  the  senators  to-morrow 

Mean  to  establish  Csesar  as  a  king; 

And  he  shall  wear  his  crown  by  sea  and  land, 

In  every  place,  save  here  in  Italy."    I.  3.  85-88. 
**They  were  ready... to  proclaim  him  king  of  all  his  provinces  of  the 
Empire  of  Rome  out  of  Italy,  and  that  he  should  wear  his  diadem  in  all 
other  places  both  by  sea  and  land."    Life  of  Ccesar, 

**To  every  Roman  citizen  he  gives. 
To  every  several  man,  seventy-five  drachmas. 
Moreover,  he  hath  left  you  all  his  walks, 
His  private  arbours  and  new-planted  orchards, 
On  this  side  Tiber."    ill.  2.  246,  247,  252-254. 
**He  bequeathed  unto  every  citizen  of  Rome  75  drachmas  a  man; 
and  left  his  gardens  and  arbours  unto  the  people,  which  he  had  built  on 
this  side  of  the  river  Tiber."    Life  of  Brutus, 

"You  have  condemn'd  and  noted  Lucius  Pella."    iv.  3.  2. 
**  Brutus  did  condemn  and  note  Lucius  Pella."    Life  of  Brutus. 

**  Coming  from  Sardis,  on  our  former  ensign 
Two  mighty  eagles  fell."    V.  i.  80,  81. 
There  came  two  eagles  that... lighted  upon  two  of  the  foremost 
ensigns."    Life  of  Brutus. 

"What  are  you,  then,  determined  to  do?"    V.  i.  100. 
"  What  art  thou  then  determined  to  do  ?"    Life  of  Brutus » 


*'The  last  of  all  the  Romans,  fare  thee  well  !  "  v.  3.  99. 

*•  He  lamented  the  death  of  Cassius,  calling  him  the  last  of  all  the 
Romans."    Life  of  Bruins. 

Very  similar  is  Tennyson's  use  in  The  Idylls  of  the  King  of  Malory's 
Morte  Darthur,  The  Idylls  have  many  echoes  of  Malory's  grand 
English,  such  as  the  description  "clothed in  white  samite, '* applied  both 
to  the  Holy  Grail  (513)  and  to  the  arm  of  the  Lady  of  the  Lake  who 
gave  King  Arthur  the  sword  Excalibur  ( The  Coming  of  Arthur^  282 — 286) 
and  took  it  back  [The  Passing,  311 — 314).  And  sometimes  ** Tennyson 
has  woven  the  words  of  the  original  into  new  connections,"  as  Shake- 
speare does  sometimes  with  Plutarch. 

yulius  Ccesar,  then,  is  not  an  example  of  Shakespeare's  resourceful- 
ness in  the  invention  of  a  plot  and  incidents.  Apart  from  the  charac- 
terisation and  poetry  of  the  play,  it  is  in  his  treatment  of  the  material 
supplied  by  Plutarch  that  he  reveals  his  genius.  Making  the  murder  of 
Caesar  with  its  avengement  the  central  idea,  he  has  selected  only  those 
incidents  which  bear  directly  on  his  purpose,  has  brought  them  into 
close,  vital  relations,  and  omitted^  everything  in  Plutarch's  narrative 
that  was  irrelevant.  The  outcome  is  a  closely  knit  work,  inspired 
through  all  its  parts  by  one  main  idea  which  unifies  the  whole.  And 
this  result  is  achieved  at  the  cost  of  a  few  inconsiderable  deviations 
from  history.    They  are  as  follows  : 

(1)  Shakespeare  makes  Csesar's  "triumph"  take  place  on  the 
day  of  the  Lupercalia  instead  of  six  months  before. 

(2)  He  places  the  murder  of  Csesar  in  the  Capitol,  not  in  the 
Curia  Pompeiana  \  see  pp.  196,  197. 

*  Note  particularly  how  Shakespeare  omits  all  that  occurred  (except  the 
meeting  of  the  Triumvirs)  between  the  flight  of  the  conspirators  in  44  B.C.  and  the 
campaign  of  42  B.C.  which  brought  about  their  downfall  and  death.  The  action  of 
the  play  centres  on  Caesar:  therefore  from  the  moment  of  his  murder  the  sole 
thought  kept  before  us  is  his  avengement.  At  the  close  of  the  third  Act  that  avenge- 
ment has  begun ;  the  meeting  of  the  Triumvirs  shows  who  will  be  its  instruments ;  and 
then  we  pass  straight  to  the  last  stage,  which  ends  in  its  full  achievement.  All  the 
disputes  and  conflicts  that,  as  a  matter  of  history,  arose  between  Antony  and  the 
Senatorial  party  under  Octavius  are  left  out.  In  the  same  way  the  events  of  the  few 
days  immediately  following  the  murder  are  simplified  and  combined,  and  everything 
omitted  that  would  divert  our  attention  from  Caesar's  avengement. 

It  has  been  observed  too  that  the  minor  actors  in  the  conspiracy  soon  "disappear 
from  the  scene,"  so  that  interest  may  be  focussed  on  the  protagonists  of  the  drama. 



(3)  He  assigns  the  murder,  the  reading  of  the  will,  the  funeral 
and  Antony's  oration,  and  Octavius's  arrival  at  Rome,  to  the  same 
day.  Historically,  the  murder  took  place  on  March  1 5 ;  the  will 
was  published  by  order  of  the  Senate  on  March  18;  the  funeral  was 
celebrated  on  March  19  or  20;  and  Octavius  did  not  arrive  till  May. 

(4)  He  makes  the  Triumvirs  meet  at  Rome  instead  of  near 

(5)  He  combines  the  two  battles  of  Philippi.  Really  there  was 
an  interval  between  them  of  twenty  days;  Cassius  fell  in  the  first 
battle,  and  Brutus  after  the  second.  Octavius  was  too  ill  to  take  part  in 
the  first. 

Most  of  these  deviations  from  history  come  under  the  heading 
'compression.'  A  dramatist,  dealing  with  events  that  extend  over  a 
long  period,  must  be  permitted  a  certain  license  in  curtailing  the 
time  and  compressing  the  facts  :  otherwise  his  work  will  be  broken  up 
and  lack  concentration.  Thus  in  the  third  Act  rigid  adherence  to  history 
was  quite  incompatible  with  intensity  of  dramatic  effect ;  it  would  have 
necessitated  several  scenes  treating  each  incident  separately,  and  the 
tragic  force  of  the  whole  must  have  been  frittered  away. 

One  other  aspect  of  Shakespeare's  handling  of  Plutarch  may  be 
noticed,  viz.  the  fresh  touches  which  he  adds,  the  suggestive  strokes 
that  heighten  so  much  the  impression  made  by  the  bare  statements  of 
the  historian.  Thus  how  effectively  does  he  amplify  the  following 
sentence  of  Plutarch  :  ** taking  Caesar's  gown... Antony  laid  it  open  to 
the  sight  of  them  all,  shewing  what  a  number  of  cuts  and  holes  it  had 
upon  it. "  Shakespeare  makes  Antony  stir  the  hearts  of  the  citizens,  first 
by  associating  *'  Caesar's  vesture  "  with  that  crowning  victory  on  the 
Sambre  which  evoked  at  Rome  such  rejoicings  as  had  scarce  been 
known  in  all  her  long  history,  and  then  by  particularising  with  fine 
audacity  of  fancy  the  very  rents  pierced  by  the  several  thrusts  of  the 
conspirators — though  Antony  had  not  even  been  present  at  the  murder. 
Thus  does  prosaic  history  become  transfigured  into  drama. 

Again,  in  the  scene  of  Cinna's  death  how  humorous  is  that  **  Tear 
him  for  his  bad  verses,  tear  him  for  his  bad  verses  and  in  the  fourth 
Act  how  imaginative  the  introduction  of  the  music  and  song  which 
smooth  away  the  feeling  of  unrest  left  by  the  dispute  between  the 
generals  and  induce  a  repose  that  harmonises  with  the  manifestation 
of  the  supernatural. 



Csesar's  "triumph  over  Pompey's  blood.'*    Scene  t.  36 — 56. 

1.  "This  was  the  last  war  that  Caesar  made.  But  the  triumph  he 
made  into  Rome  for  the  same  did  as  much  offend  the  Romans,  and 
more,  than  any  thing  that  ever  he  had  done  before :  because  he  had  not 
overcome  captains  that  were  strangers,  nor  barbarous  kings,  but  had 
destroyed  the  sons  of  the  noblest  man  of  Rome,  whom  fortune  had 
overthrown.  And  because  he  had  plucked  up  his  race  by  the  roots, 
men  did  not  think  it  meet  for  him  to  triumph  so  for  the  calamities  of 
his  country,  rejoicing  at  a  thing  for  the  which  he  had  but  one  excuse  to 
allege  in  his  defence  unto  the  gods  and  men,  that  he  was  compelled  to 
do  thati  he  did."    i^Life  of  Ccesar,) 

The  tribunes  "disrobe  the  images." 

Scene  i.  69 — 74;  Scene  2.  289,  290. 

2.  ** There  were  set  up  images  of  Coesar  in  the  city,  with  diadems 
upon  their  heads  like  kings.  Those  the  two  tribunes,  Flavins  and 
Marullus,  went  and  pulled  down,  and  furthermore,  meeting  with  them 
that  first  saluted  Caesar  as  king,  they  committed  them  to  prison.... Caesar 
was  so  offended  withal,  that  he  deprived  Marullus  and  Flavius  of  their 
tribuneships."    {Life  of  Casar.) 

The    feast  of  Lupercal."    Scene  i.  72;  Scene  2.  3 — 9. 

3.  "At  that  time  the  feast  Lupercalia  was  celebrated,  the  which  in 
old  time  men  say  was  the  feast  of  shepherds  or  herdmen,  and  is  much  like 
unto  the  feast  of  the  Lycaeans  in  Arcadia.  But  howsoever  it  is,  that  day 
there  are  divers  noblemen's  sons,  young  men,  (and  some  of  them 
magistrates  themselves  that  govern  then),  which  run  naked  through  the 
city,  striking  in  sport  them  they  meet  in  their  way  with  leather  thongs, 

*  that  which. 



[act  L 

hair  and  all  on,  to  make  them  give  place  ^.  And  many  noblewomen  and 
gentlewomen  also  go  of^  purpose  to  stand  in  their  way,  and  do  put  forth 
their  hands  to  be  stricken,  as  scholars  hold  them  out  to  their  school- 
master to  be  stricken  with  the  ferula':  persuading  themselves  that,  being 
with  child,  they  shall  have  good  delivery ;  and  so,  being  barren,  that  it 
will  make  them  to  conceive  with  child."    (Lt/e  of  Ccesar.) 

Cassius  incites  Brutus.    Scene  2. 

4.  Therefore,  Cassius... did  first  of  all  speak  to  Bnitus. ...Cassius 
asked  him  if  he  were  determined  to  be  in  the  Senate-house  the  first  day 
of  the  month  of  March,  because  he  heard  say  that  C3esar's  friends  should 
move  the  council  that  day,  that  Caesar  should  be  called  king  by  the  Senate. 
Brutus  answered  him,  he  would  not  be  there.  'But  if  we  be  sent  for,' 
said  Cassius,  *how  then?*  *For  myself  then,*  said  Brutus,  'I  mean 
not  to  hold  my  peace,  but  to  withstand"*  it,  and  rather  die  than  lose  my 
liberty.'  Cassius  being  bold,  and  taking  hold  of  this  word:  'Why,* 
quoth  he,  'what  Roman  is  he  alive  that  will  suffer  thee  to  die  for  thy 
liberty?  What?  knowest  thou  not  that  thou  art  Brutus?. ..Be  thou  well 
assured  that  at  thy  hands  they  [the  noblest  men  and  best  citizens] 
specially  require,  as  a  due  debt  unto  them,  the  taking  away  of  the 
tyranny,  being  fully  bent^  to  suffer  any  extremity  for  thy  sake,  so  that^ 
thou  wilt  shew  thyself  to  be  the  man  thou  art  taken  for,  and  that  they 
hope  thou  art '."    (Life  of  Brutus.) 

''Yond  Cassius  has  a  lean  and  hungry  look." 

Scene  1.      — 214. 

5.  "Caesar  also  had  Cassius  in  great  jealousy,  and  suspected  him 
much :  whereupon  he  said  on  a  time  to  his  friends,  *  What  will  Cassius  do, 
think  ye  ?  I  like  not  his  pale  looks.'  Another  time  when  Caesar's  friends 
complained  unto  him  of  Antonius  and  Dolabella,  that  they  pretended^ 
some  mischief  towards  him :  he  answered  them  again,  *  As* for  those 
fat  men  and  smooth-combed  heads,'  quoth  he,  'I  never  reckon  of 
them;  but  these  pale-visaged  and  carrion-lean  people,  I  fear  them 
most,'  meaning  Brutus  and  Cassius."    {Life  of  Ccssar.) 

Caesar  refuses  the  crown  offered  him  by  Antony  at  the  Lupercalia. 

Scene  2.  220 — 252. 

6.  **The  Romans  by  chance  celebrated  the  feast  called  Lupercalia, 
and  Caesar,  being  apparelled  in  his  triumphing  robe,  was  set  in  the  Tribune^ 

1  give  way.  ^  on.  '  cane.  *  oppose. 

*  resolved.  *  provided  that  '  plotted,  *  the  Rostra. 


where  they  use^  to  make  their  orations  to  the  people,  and  from  thence 
did  behold  the  sport  of  the  runners.... Antonius,  being  one  among  the 
rest  that  was  to  run,  leaving  the  ancient  ceremonies  and  old  customs  of 
that  solemnity,  he  ran  to  the  tribune  where  Caesar  was  set,  and  carried  a 
laurel  crown  in  his  hand,  having  a.  royal  band  or  diadem  wreathed  about 
it,  which  in  old  time  was  the  ancient  mark  and  token  of  a  king.  When  he 
was  come  to  Caesar,  he  made  his  fellow-runners  with  him  lift  him  up,  and 
so  he  did  put  his  laurel  crown  upon  his  head,  signifying  thereby  that  he 
had  deserved  to  be  king.  But  Caesar,  making ^  as  though  he  refused  it, 
turned  away  his  head.  The  people  were  so  rejoiced  at  it,  that  they  all 
clapped  their  hands  for  joy.  Antonius  again  did  put  it  on  his  head : 
Caesar  again  refused  it ;  and  thus  they  were  striving  off  and  on  a  great 
while  together.  As  oft  as  Antonius  did  put  this  laurel  crown  unto  him, 
a  few  of  his  followers  rejoiced  at  it ;  and  as  oft  also  as  Caesar  refused  it, 
all  the  people  together  clapped  their  hands.  And  this  was  a  wonderful 
thing,  that  they  suffered  all  things  subjects  should  do  by  commandment 
of  their  kings :  and  yet  they  could  not  abide  the  name  of  a  king,  detest- 
ing it  as  the  utter  destruction  of  their  liberty.  Caesar,  in  a  rage,  arose 
out  of  his  seat,  and  plucking  down  the  collar  of  his  gown  from  his  neck, 
he  shewed  it  naked,  bidding  any  man  strike  off  his  head  that  would." 
{Life  of  Brutus,) 

Cs9sar  *' lightly  esteems"  the  Senate ^ 

7.  **  When  they  had  decreed  divers  honours  for  him  in  the  Senate, 
the  Consuls  and  Praetors,  accompanied  with  the  whole  assembly  of  the 
Senate,  went  unto  him  in  the  market-place  where  he  was  set  by  the 
pulpit**  for  orations,  to  tell  him  what  honours  they  had  decreed  for  him 
in  his  absence.  But  he,  sitting  still  in  his  majesty,  disdaining  to  rise  up 
unto  them  when  they  came  in,  as  if  they  had  been  private  men, 
answered  them:  *that  his  honours  had  more  need  to  be  cut  off  than 
enlarged. '  This  did  not  only  offend  the  Senate  but  the  common  people 
also,  to  see  that  he  should  so  lightly  esteem  of  the  magistrates  of  the 
commonwealth :  insomuch  as  every  man  that  might  lawfully  go  his  way 
departed  thence  very  sorrowfully.  Thereupon  also  Caesar  rising  de- 
parted home  to  his  house,  and  tearing  open  his  doublet-collar,  making 
his  neck  bare,  he  cried  out  aloud  to  his  friends,  'that  his  throat  was 

^  are  wont.  "  pretending, 

'  The  events  described  in  Extracts  6  and  7  took  place  on  different  occasions,  but 
Shakespeare  has  combined  them  partly. 
*  Forum.  s  the  Rostra. 



[ACT  I. 

ready  to  offer  to  any  man  that  would  come  and  cut  it.*  Notwithstandinj[T 
it  is  reported,  that  afterwards,  to  excuse  his  folly,  he  imputed  it  to  his 
disease,  saying,  'that  their  wits  are  not  perfit^  which  have  this  disease 
of  the  falling  evil^,  when  standing  on  their  feet  they  speak  to  the 
common  people,  but  are  soon  troubled  with  a  trembling  of  their  body, 
and  a  sudden  dimness  and  giddiness.'  But  that  was  not  true,  for  he 
would  have  risen  up  to  the  Senate,  but  Cornelius  Balbus  one  of  his 
friends  (or  rather  a  flatterer)  would  not  let  him,  saying :  *  What,  do 
you  not  remember  that  you  are  Ciesar,  and  will  you  not  let  them  rever- 
ence you  and  do  their  duties?'  "    {^Life  of  Ccesar,) 

The  omens  of  Caesar's  fall.    Scene  3.  i — 78. 

8.  "Certainly  destiny  may  easier  be  foreseen  than  avoided,  con- 
sidering the  strange  and  wonderful  signs  that  were  said  to  be  seen  before 
Caesar's  death.  For,  touching  the  fires  in  the  element  ^,  and  spirits  running 
up  and  down  in  the  night,  and  also  the  solitary  birds  to  be  seen  at  noon- 
days sitting  in  the  great  market-place,  are  not  all  these  signs  perhaps 
worth  the  noting,  in  such  a  wonderful  chance  as  happened  ?  But  Strabo 
the  philosopher  writeth,  that  divers  men  were  seen  going  up  and  down 
in  fire :  and  furthermore,  that  there  was  a  slave  of  the  soldiers  that  did 
cast  a  marvellous  burning  flame  out  of  his  hand,  insomuch  as  they  that 
saw  it  thought  he  had  been  burnt ;  but  when  the  fire  was  out,  it  was 
found  he  had  no  hurt." 

The  papers  "entreating"  Brutus  to    speak,  strike,  redress.*' 

Scene  2.  319 — 324;  Scene  3.  142 — 146;  Act  IT.  Scene  i.  46 — 56. 

9.  "Now  they  that  desired  change,  and  wished  Brutus  only  their 
prince  and  governor  above  all  other,  they  durst  not  come  to  him 
themselves  to  tell  him  what  they  would  have  him  do,  but  in  the  night 
did  cast  sundry  papers  into  the  Praetor's  seat,  where  he  gave  audience, 
and  the  most  of  them  to  this  effect:  *Thou  sleepest,  Brutus,  and  art 
not  Brutus  indeed.'  Cassius,  finding  Brutus*  ambition  stirred  up  the 
more  by  these  seditious  bills'*,  did  prick  ^  him  forward  and  egg  him  on^ 
the  more,  for^  a  private  quarrel  he  had  conceived  against  Caesar." 
{Life  of  CcEsar,) 

1  perfect.  *  epilepsy.  *  sky.  *  writings. 

^  spur.  ^  incite  him.  '  because  of. 



10.  **But  for^  Brutus,  his  friends  and  countrymen,  both  by  divers 
procurements  and  sundry  rumours  of  the  city,  and  by  many  bills  also, 
did  openly  call  and  procure  him  to  do  that  he  did.  For  under  the 
image  of  his  ancestor  Junius  Brutus,  (that  drave  the  kings  out  of  Rome) 
they  wrote :  *  O,  that  it  pleased  the  gods  thou  wert  now  alive,  Brutus !  * 
and  again,  *that  thou  wert  here  among  us  now!'  His  tribunal  or 
chair,  where  he  gave  audience  during  the  time  he  was  Praetor,  was  full 
of  such  bills :  '  Brutus,  thou  art  asleep,  and  art  not  Brutus  indeed 
(Life  of  Brutus.) 

"But  win  the  noble  Brutus  to  our  party." 

Scene  3.  140,  141;  157 — 164. 

11.  Now  when  Cassius  felt^  his  friends,  and  did  stir  them  up  against 
Csesar  :  they  all  agreed,  and  promised  to  take  part  with  him,  so^  Brutus 
were  the  chief  of  their  conspiracy.  For  they  told  him  that  so  high  an 
enterprise  and  attempt  as  that,  did  not  so  much  require  men  of  manhood 
and  courage  to  draw  their  swords,  as  it  stood  them  upon^  to  have  a  man 
of  such  estimation  as  Brutus,  to  make  every  man  boldly  think,  that  by 
his  only*  presence  the  fact®  were  holy  and  just.  If  he  took  not  this 
course,  then  that  they  should  go  to  it  with  fainter  hearts;  and  when 
they  had  done  it,  they  should  be  more  fearful :  because  every  man  would 
think  that  Brutus  would  not  have  refused  to  have  made  one  with  them, 
if  the  cause  had  been  good  and  honest."    {Life  of  Brutus^ 


*'No,  not  an  oath."    Scene  1.  113 — 140. 

12.  **  Furthermore,  the  only  name  and  great  calling  of  Brutus  did 
bring  on^  the  most  of  them  to  give  consent  to  this  conspiracy :  who  having 
never  taken  oaths  together,  nor  taken  or  given  any  caution  or  assurance, 
nor  binding  themselves  one  to  another  by  any  religious  oaths,  they  all 
kept  the  matter  secret  to  themselves."    i^Lije  of  Brutus.) 

^  as  for.       *  sounded.         ^  on  condition  that.      *  they  needed. 
*  mere.  deed.         '  induce. 




[act  II. 

«*But  what  of  Cicero?  shall  we  sound  him?" 

Scene  i.  141 — 153. 

13.  •  ^  They  durst  not  acquaint  Cicero  with  their  conspiracy,  although 
he  was  a  man  whom  they  loved  dearly  and  trusted  best :  for  they  were 
afraid  that  he  being  a  coward  by  nature,  and  age  having  also  increased 
his  fear,  he  would  quite  turn  and  alter  all  their  purpose,  and  quench  the 
heat  of  their  enterprise,  the  which  specially  required  ho-t  and  earnest 
execution."    {Lifi  of  Bruins.') 

Brutus  refuses  to  let  Antony  he  slain  with  Cdesar. 

Scene  i.  155 — 191. 

1 4.  "All  the  conspirators,  but  Brutus,  determining^  upon  this  matter, 
thought  it  good  also  to  kill  Antonius,  because  he  was  a  wicked  man, 
and  that 2  in  nature  favoured  tyranny;  besides  also,  for  that  he  was  in 
great  estimation  with  soldiers,  having  been  conversant  of  long  time 
amongst  them :  and  especially  having  a  mind  bent  to  great  enterprises, 
he  was  also  of  great  authority  at  that  time,  being  Consul  with  Caesar. 
But  Brutus  would  not  agree  to  it.  First,  for  that  he  said  it  was  not 
honest^  :  secondly,  because  he  told  them  there  was  hope  of  change  in 
him.. ..So  Brutus  by  this  means  saved  Antonius'  life."  (Life  of  Brutus.) 

Brutus  and  Portia.    Scene  i.  233 — 309. 

15.  **  Now  Brutus,  who  knew  very  well  that  for  his  sake  all  the 
noblest,  valiantest,  and  most  courageous  men  of  Rome  did  venture  their 
lives,  weighing  with  himself  the  greatness  of  the  danger :  when  he  was  out 
of  his  house,  he  did  so  frame  and  fashion  his  countenance  and  looks  that 
no  man  could  discern  he  had  anything  to  trouble  his  mind.  But  when 
night  came  that*  he  was  in  his  own  house,  then  he  was  clean  changed : 
for  either  care*^  did  wake  him  against  his  will  when  he  would  have  slept, 
or  else  oftentimes  of  himself  he  fell  into  such  deep  thoughts  of  this 
enterprise,  casting^  in  his  mind  all  the  dangers  that  might  happen:  that 
his  wife  found  that  there  was  some  marvellous  great  matter  that  troubled 
his  mind,  not  being  wont  to  be  in  that  taking^,  and  that  he  could  not 
well  determine  with  himself. 

"  His  wife  Porcia  was  the  daughter  of  Cato  This  young  lady,  bemg 

*  deciding.  2  one  that.  ^  right,  fair.  *  so  that. 

^  anxiety.  *  calculating.  ^  state  of  mind. 

sc.  I.] 


excellently  well  seeni  jn  philosophy,  loving  her  husband  well,  and  being 
of  a  noble  courage,  as  she  was  also  wise :  because  she  would  not  ask  her 
husband  what  he  ailed  before  she  had  made  some  proof  by  ^  herself:  she 
took  a  little  razor,  such  as  barbers  occupy^  to  pare  men's  nails,  and, 
causing  her  maids  and  women  to  go  out  of  her  chamber,  gave  herself  a 
great  gash  withal  in  her  thigh,  that^  she  was  straight  all  of  a  gore 
blood^:  and  incontinently^  after  a  vehement  fever  took  her,  by  reason 
of  the  pain  of  her  wound.  Then  perceiving  her  husband  was  marvel- 
lously out  of  quiet,  and  that  he  could  take  no  rest,  even  in  her  greatest 
pain  of  all  she  spake  in  this  sort  unto  him ;  *  I  being,  O  Brutus,'  said 
she,  *  the  daughter  of  Cato,  was  married  unto  thee ;  not  to  be  thy 
bed-fellow  and  companion  in  bed  and  at  board  only,  but  to  be  partaker 
also  with  thee  of  thy  good  and  evil  fortune.  Now  for  thyself,  I  can 
find  no  cause  of  fault  in  thee  touching  our  match :  but  for  my  part,  how 
may  I  shew  my  duty  towards  thee  and  how  much  I  would  do  for  thy 
sake,  if  I  cannot  constantly^  bear  a  secret  mischance  or  grief  with  thee, 
which  requireth  secrecy  and  fidelity?  I  confess  that  a  woman's  wit 
commonly  is  too  weak  to  keep  a  secret  safely:  but  yet,  Brutus,  good 
education  and  the  company  of  virtuous  men  have  some  power  to  reform 
the  defect  of  nature.  And  for  myself,  I  have  this  benefit  moreover, 
that  I  am  the  daughter  of  Cato,  and  wife  of  Brutus.  This  notwith- 
standing, I  did  not  trust  to  any  of  these  things  before,  until  that  now  I 
have  found  by  experience  that  no  pain  or  grief  whatsoever  can  overcome 
me.'  With  those  words  she  shewed  him  her  wound  on  her  thigh,  and 
told  him  what  she  had  done  to  prove  herself.  Brutus  was  amazed  to 
hear  what  she  said  unto  him,  and  lifting  up  his  hands  to  heaven,  he 
besought  the  gods  to  give  him  the  grace  he  might  bring  his  enterprise 
to  so  good  pass,  that  he  might  be  found  a  husband  worthy  of  so  noble 
a  wife  as  Porcia :  so  he  then  did  comfort  her  the  best  he  could."  {Life 
of  Brutus^ 

Caius  Ligarius.    Scene  i.  311 — 334. 

1 6.  **  Now  amongst  Pompey's  friends,  there  was  one  called  Caius 
Ligarius,  who  had  been  accused  unto  Caesar  for  taking  part  with 
Pompey,  and  Caesar  discharged^  him.  But  Ligarius  thanked  not  Caesar 
so  much  for  his  discharge,  as  he  was  offended  with  him  for  that  he  was 
brought  in  danger  by  his  tyrannical  power ;  and  therefore  in  his  heart 
he  was  always  his  mortal  enemy,  and  was  besides  very  familiar  with 

1  versed.  2  test  of.  '  use.  so  that.  ^  covered  with  blood. 

®  immediately.  '  with  constancy.  ®  pardoned. 




[act  II. 

Brutus,  who  went  to  see  him  being  sick  in  his  bed,  and  said  unto  him : 
'  Ligarius,  in  what  a  time  art  thou  sick  ! '  Ligarius  rising  up  in  his  bed, 
and  taking  him  by  the  right  hand,  said  unto  him:  *  Brutus,'  said  he,  *if 
thou  hast  any  great  enterprise  in  hand  worthy  of  thyself,  I  am  whole " 
(Life  of  Bnittis.) 

Calpurnia's  dream.    "Do  not  go  forth  to-day." 

Scene  2.  i — 56. 

17.  '*  ITe  [Ca:sar]  heard  his  wife  Calpurnia,  being  fast  asleep,  weep 
and  sigh,  and  put  forth  many  fumbling^  lamentable  speeches:  for  she 
dreamed  that  Caesar  was  slain. ...Insomuch  that,  Caesar  rising  in  the 
morning,  she  prayed  him,  if  it  were  possible,  not  to  go  out  of  the  doors 
that  day,  but  to  adjourn  the  session^  of  the  Senate  until  another  day. 
And  if  that  he  made  no  reckoning  of  her  dream,  yet  that  he  would 
search  further  of  the  soothsayers  by  their  sacrifices  to  know  what  should 
happen  him  that  day.  Thereby  it  seemed  that  Caesar  likewise  did  fear 
and  suspect  somewhat,  because  his  wife  Calpurnia  until  that  time  was 
never  given  to  any  fear  or  superstition:  and  that  then  he  saw  her  so 
troubled  in  mind  with  this  dream  she  had.  But  much  more  afterwards, 
when  the  soothsayers  having  sacrificed  many  beasts  one  after  another, 
told  him  that  none  did  like^  them :  then  he  determined  to  send  Antonius 
to  adjourn  the  session  of  the  Senate."    (Life  of  Ccesar.) 

Decius  Brutus  persuades  Caesar  to  go  to  the  Senate-house. 

Scene  2.  57 — 107. 

18.  **  In  the  meantime  came  Decius  Brutus,  surnamed  Albinus,  in 
whom  Caesar  put  such  confidence,  that  in  his  last  will  and  testament  he 
had  appointed  him  to  be  his  next  heir,  and  yet  was  of  the  conspiracy  with 
Cassius  and  Brutus:  he,  fearing  that  if  Ctesar  did  adjourn  the  session 
that  day,  the  conspiracy  would  be  betrayed,  laughed  at  the  soothsayers, 
and  reproved  Caesar,  saying,  '  that  he  gave  the  Senate  occasion  to  mis- 
like  with^  him,  and  that  they  might  think  he  mocked  them,  considering 
that  by  his  commandment  they  were  assembled,  and  that  they  were 
ready  willingly  to  grant  him  all  things,  and  to  proclaim  him  king  of  all 
his  provinces  of  the  Empire  of  Rome  out  of  Italy,  and  that  he  should 
wear  his  diadem  in  all  other  places  both  by  sea  and  land.  And  further- 
more, that  if  any  man  should  tell  them  from  him  they  should^  depart  for 

1  rambling.  sitting.  ^  please. 

*  be  displeased  with.  *  must. 



that  present  time,  and  return  again  when  Calpurnia  should  have  better 
dreams,  what  would  his  enemies  and  ill-willers  say,  and  how  could  they 
like  of^  his  friends'  words?  And  who  could  persuade  them  otherwise, 
but  that  they  would  think  his  dominion  a  slavery  unto  them  and 
tyrannical  in  himself?  And  yet  if  it  be  so,'  said  he,  'that  you  utterly 
mislike  of^  this  day,  it  is  better  that  you  go  yourself  in  person,  and, 
saluting  the  Senate,  to  dismiss  them  till  another  time.'  Therewithal 
he  took  Caesar  by  the  hand,  and  brought  him  out  of  his  house."  (Life 
of  Ccesar.) 

Artemldorus.    Scene  3  ;  Act  iii.  Scene  i.  3 — 10. 

1 9.  **  And  one  Artemidorus  also,  born  in  the  isle  of  Gnidos,  a  doctor 
of  rhetoric  in  the  Greek  tongue,  who  by  means  of  his  profession  w^as  very 
familiar  with  certain  of  Brutus'  confederates,  and  therefore  knew  the 
most  part  of  all  their  practices^  against  Csesar,  came  and  brought  him  a 
little  bill,  written  with  his  own  hand,  of  all  that  he  meant  to  tell  him. 
He,  marking  how  Csesar  received  all  the  supplications  that  were  offered 
him,  and  that  he  gave  them  straight*  to  his  men  that  were  about  him, 
pressed  nearer  to  him,  and  said :  *  Csesar,  read  this  memorial  to 
yourself,  and  that  quickly,  for  they  be  matters  of  great  weight,  and 
touch ^  you  nearly.*  Csesar  took  it  of  him,  but  could  never  read  it, 
though  he  many  times  attempted  it,  for  the  number  of  people  that  did 
salute  him :  but  holding  it  still  in  his  hand,  keeping  it  to  himself,  went 
on  withal  into  the  Senate-house."    (Life  of  Ccesar.) 

Portia's  anxiety.    Scene  4. 

20.  ''Now  in  the  meantime,  there  came  one  of  Brutus'  men  post-haste 
unto  him,  and  told  him  his  wife  was  a-dying.  For  Porcia,  being  very 
careful^  and  pensive  for  that  which  was  to  come,  and  being  too  weak  to 
away  with^  so  great  and  inward  grief  of  mind,  she  could  hardly  keep 
within,  but  was  frighted  with  every  little  noise  and  cry  she  heard,  as 
those  that  are  taken  and  possessed  with  the  fury  of  the  Bacchantes; 
asking  every  man  that  came  from  the  market-place  what  Brutus  did, 
and  still ^  sent  messenger  after  messenger,  to  know  what  news.  At 
length  Caesar's  coming  being  prolonged  (as  you  have  heard),  Porcia's 
weakness  was  not  able  to  hold  out  any  longer,  and  thereupon  she 
suddenly  swounded^  that^<^  she  had  no  leisure  to  go  to  her  chamber,  but 

1  approve  of.  *  disapprove  of.  plots.  *  straightway. 

*  affect.         s  anxious.  bear.         *  continually. 

»  fainted,         lo  so  that. 



[act  III. 

was  taken  in  the  midst  of  her  house,  where  her  speech  and  senses  failed 
her.  Howbeit  she  soon  came  to  herself  again,  and  so  was  laid  in  her 
bed,  and  attended  by  her  women.  When  Brutus  heard  these  news,  it 
grieved  him,  as  it  is  to  be  presupposed:  yet  he  left  not  off  the  care  of 
his  country  and  commonwealth,  neither  went  home  to  his  house  for  any 
news  he  heard."    (-^{/^  of  Bj'titus.) 


**  The  Ides  of  March  are  come.'*    Scene  i.  i,  2. 

21.  There  was  a  certain  soothsayer  that  had  given  Caesar  warning 
long  time  afore,  to  take  heed  of  the  day  of  the  Ides  of  March,  (which  is 
the  fifteenth  of  the  month),  for  on  that  day  he  should  ^  be  in  great  danger. 
That  day  being  come,  Caesar  going  unto  the  Senate-house,  and  speaking 
merrily  unto  the  soothsayer,  told  him,  'the  Ides  of  March  be  come': 
*  so  they  be,'  softly  answered  the  soothsayer,  'but  yet  are  they  not 
past {^Life  of  Ccesar,) 

Popilius  Lsena.    Scene  i.  13 — 24. 

22.  *'  Another  Senator,  called  Popilius  I^na,  after  he  had  saluted 
Brutus  and  Cassius  more  friendly  than  he  was  wont  to  do,  he  rounded  ^ 
softly  in  their  ears,  and  told  them  :  *  I  pray  the  gods  you  may  go  through 
with  that  you  have  taken  in  hand;  but  withal,  despatch,  I  reade*  you, 
for  your  ent-erprise  is  bewrayed*.'  When  he  had  said,  he  presently^ 
departed  from  them,  and  left  them  both  afraid  that  their  conspiracy 
would  out.... When  Caesar  came  out  of  his  litter,  Popilius  Laena  (that  had 
talked  before  with  Brutus  and  Cassius,  and  had  prayed  the  gods  they 
might  bring  this  enterprise  to  pass)  went  unto  Caesar,  and  kept  him  a 
long  time  with  a  talk.  Caesar  gave  good  ear  unto  him :  wherefore  the 
conspirators  (if  so  they  should  be  called)  not  hearing  what  he  said  to 
Caesar,  but  conjecturing  by  that  he  had  told  them  a  little  before  that  his 
talk  was  none  other  but  the  very  discovery  of  their  conspiracy,  they 
were  afraid  every  man  of  them ;  and,  one  looking  in  another's  face,  it 
was  easy  to  see  that  they  all  were  of  a  mind,  that  it  was  no  tarrying^  for 

I  would.  *  whispered.  advise.  ^  betrayed, 

*  immediately.  *  no  use  to  wait. 



them  till  they  were  apprehended,  but  rather  that  they  should  kill 
themselves  with  their  own  hands.  And  when  Cassius  and  certain  other 
clapped  their  hands  on  their  swords  under  their  gowns,  to  draw  them, 
Brutus,  marking  the  countenance  and  gesture  of  Lsena,  and  considering 
that  he  did  use^  himself  rather  like  an  humble  and  earnest  suitor,  than 
like  an  accuser,  he  said  nothing  to  his  companion  (because  there  were 
many  amongst  them  that  were  not  of  the  conspiracy),  but  with  a  pleasant 
countenance  encouraged  Cassius.  And  immediately  after,  Lsena  went 
from  Ccesar,  and  kissed  his  hand  :  which  shewed  plainly  that  it  was  for 
some  matter  concerning  himself,  that  he  had  held  him  so  long  in  talk.*' 
{Life  of  Brutus.) 

Csesar*s  death.    Scene  i.  27 — 77, 

23.  **  So  Caesar  coming  into  the  house,  all  the  Senate  stood  up  on 
their  feet  to  do  him  honour.  Then  part  of  Brutus'  company  and  confede- 
rates stood  round  about  Caesar's  chair,  and  part  of  them  also  came  towards 
him,  as  though  they  made  suit  with  Metellus  Cimber,  to  call  home  his 
brother  again  from  banishment :  and  thus  prosecuting ^  still  their  suit,  they 
followed  Csesar  till  he  was  set  in  his  chair.  Who  denying  their  petitions, 
and  being  offended  with  them  one  after  another,  because  the  more 
they  were  denied  the  more  they  pressed  upon  him  and  were  the  earnester 
with  him,  Metellus  at  length,  taking  his  gown  with  both  his  hands, 
pulled  it  over  his  neck,  which  was  the  sign  given  the  confederates  to  set 
upon  him.  Then  Casca,  behind  him,  strake^  him  in  the  neck  with  his 
sword ;  howbeit  the  wound  was  not  great  nor  mortal,  because  it  seemed 
the  fear  of  such  a  devilish  attempt  did  amaze*  him,  and  take  his  strength 
from  him,  that  he  killed  him  not  at  the  first  blow.  But  Caesar,  turning 
straight  unto  him,  caught  hold  of  his  sword  and  held  it  hard ;  and  they 
both  cried  out,  Caesar  in  Latin:  '  O  vile  traitor  Casca,  what  doest  thou ?' 
and  Casca,  in  Greek,  to  his  brother :  '  Brother,  help  me.* 

**  At  the  beginning  of  this  stir,  they  that  were  present,  not  knowing  of 
the  conspiracy,  were  so  amazed  with  the  horrible  sight  they  saw,  they 
had  no  power  to  fly,  neither  to  help  him,  nor  so  much  as  once  to  make  an 
outcry.  They  on  the  other  side  that  had  conspired  his  death  compassed 
him  in  on  every  side  with  their  swords  drawn  in  their  hands,  that  Caesar 
turned  him  no  where  but  he  was  stricken  at  by  some,  and  still  had 
naked  swords  in  his  face,  and  was  hackled^  and  mangled  among  them, 
as  a  wild  beast  taken  of  ^  hunters.    For  it  was  agreed  among  them  that 

1  bear.       2  urging. 

^  struck. 

4  confound. 

hacked.        *  by. 


[act  III. 

every  man  should  give  him  a  wound,  because  all  their  parts  should  be 
in  this  murther :  and  then  Brutus  himself  gave  him  one  wound.  Men 
report  also,  that  Caesar  did  still  defend  himself  against  the  rest,  running 
every  way  with  his  body :  but  when  he  saw  Brutus  with  his  sword  drawn 
in  his  hand,  then  he  pulled  his  gown  over  his  headj  and  made  no  more 
resistance,  and  was  driven  either  casually ^  or  purposedly^,  by  the  counsel 
of  the  conspirators,  against  the  base*'  whereupon  Pompey's  image  stood, 
which  ran  all  of  a  gore-blood  till  he  was  slain.  Thus  it  seemed  that 
the  image  took  just  revenge  of  Pompey's  enemy,  being  thrown  down  on 
the  ground  at  his  feet,  and  yielding  up  the  ghost  there,  for*  the  number 
of  wounds  he  had  upon  him.  For  it  is  reported,  that  he  had  three  and 
twenty  wounds  upon  his  body :  and  divers  of  the  conspirators  did  hurt 
themselves,  striking  one  body  with  so  many  blows."    {Life  of  Casar,) 

Confusion  in  the  city.    Scene  i.  82 — 98. 

24.  "When  Cassar  was  slain,  the  Senate  (though  Brutus  stood  in 
the  middest^  amongst  them,  as  though  he  would  have  said  something 
touching  this  fact^)  presently  ran  out  of  the  house,  and  flying,  filled  all 
the  city  with  marvellous  fear  and  tumult.  Insomuch  as  some  did  shut 
to^  the  doors,  others  forsook  their  shops  and  warehouses,  and  others  ran 
to  the  place  to  see  what  the  matter  was :  and  others  also  that  had  seen 
it  ran  home  to  their  houses  again."    (Life  of  CcBsar,) 

"Then  walk  we  fortli,  even  to  tlie  market-place." 

Scene  i.  105 — 121. 

25.  **  Brutus  and  his  confederates,  being  yet  hot  with  this  murther 
they  had  committed,  having  their  swords  drawn  in  their  hands,  came  all  in 
a  troup  together  out  of  the  Senate  and  went  into  the  market-place,  not  as 
men  that  made  countenance^  to  fly,  but  otherwise  boldly  holding  up 
their  heads  like  men  of  courage,  and  called  to  the  people  to  defend  their 
liberty,  and  stayed  to  speak  with  every  great  personage  whom  they  met 
in  their  way."    (Life  of  CcesarJ) 

Brutus'  speech  to  the  citizens.    Scene  2.  i — 52. 

26.  "  When  the  people  saw  him  in  the  pulpit,  although  they  were  a 
multitude  of  rakehels^  of  all  sorts,  and  had  a  good  will  to  make  some 

1  by  accident.  intentionally.  ^  pedestal.  because  of. 

*  midst.  ®  deed,  close.  *  had  the  appearance, 

*  turbulent  men. 

sc.  II.] 


stir;  yet,  being  ashamed  to  do  it,  for  the  reverence  they  bare  unto 
Brutus,  they  kept  silence  to  hear  what  he  would  say.  When  Brutus 
began  to  speak,  they  gave  him  quiet  audience:  howbeit,  immediately 
after,  they  shewed  that  they  were  not  all  contented  with  the  murther. 
For  when  another,  called  Cinna,  would  have  spoken,  and  began  to 
accuse  Caesar,  they  fell  into  a  great  uproar  and  marvellously  reviled 
him. "    {Life  of  Brutus,) 

C8esax*s  funeral.   Tlio  reading  of  his  will.   Scene  2.  245—256. 

27.  "  They  [the  Senate]  came  to  talk  of  Caesar's  will  and  testament 
and  of  his  funerals  and  tomb.  Then  Antonius,  thinking  good  his  testa- 
ment should  be  read  openly,  and  also  that  his  body  should  be  honourably 
buried,  and  not  in  hugger-mugger^,  lest  the  people  might  thereby  take 
occasion  to  be  worse  offended  if  they  did  otherwise:  Cassius  stoutly 
spake  against  it.  But  Brutus  went  with  the  motion^,  and  agreed  unto 
it ;  wherein  it  seemeth  he  committed  a  second  fault.  For  the  first  fault 
he  did,  was  when  he  would  not  consent  to  his  fellow- conspirators,  that 
Antonius  should  be  slain;  and  therefore  he  was  justly  accused,  that 
thereby  he  had  saved  and  strengthened  a  strong  and  grievous  enemy  of 
their  conspiracy.  The  second  fault  was,  when  he  agreed  that  Caesar's 
funerals  should  be  as  Antonius  would  have  them,  the  which  indeed 
marred  all.  For  first  of  all,  when  Caesar's  testament  was  openly  read 
among  them,  whereby  it  appeared  that  he  bequeathed  unto  every  citizen 
of  Rome  75  drachmas  a  man;  and  that  he  left  his  gardens  and  arbours 
unto  the  people,  which  he  had  on  this  side  of  the  river  Tiber,  in  the 
place  where  now  the  temple  of  Fortune  is  built :  the  people  then  loved 
him,  and  were  marvellous  sorry  for  him."    (Life  of  Brutus.) 

Antony's  funeral  oration.    Scene  2.  173 — 201. 

28.  **  Afterwards,  when  Caesar's  body  was  brought  into  the  market- 
place, Antonius  making  his  funeral  oration  in  praise  of  the  dead,  according 
to  the  ancient  custom  of  Rome,  and  perceiving  that  his  words  moved  the 
common  people  to  compassion,  he  framed  his  eloquence  to  make  their 
hearts  yearn ^  the  more ;  and  taking  Caesar's  gown  all  bloody  in  his  hand, 
he  laid  it  open  to  the  sight  of  them  all,  shewing  what  a  number  of  cuts 
and  holes  it  had  upon  it."    (Life  of  Brutus.) 

secrecy.  2  appioved  the  proposal,  ^  grieve. 


[act  III. 

Anger  of  the  citizens  against  the  conspirators.      Fire  the 
traitors*  houses."    Scene  2.  258 — 264. 

29.  Therewithal  the  people  fell  presently  into  such  a  rage  and 
mutiny,  that  there  was  no  more  order  kept  amongst  the  common  people. 
For  some  of  them  cried  out,  '  Kill  the  murtherers':  others  plucked  up 
forms,  tables,  and  stalls  about  the  market-place,  as  they  had  done  before 
at  the  funerals  of  Clodius,  and  having  laid  them  all  on  a  heap  together, 
they  set  them  on  fire,  and  thereupon  did  put  the  body  of  Caesar,  and 
burnt  it  in  the  mids^  of  the  most  holy  places.  And  furthermore,  when 
the  fire  was  throughly^  kindled,  some  here,  some  there,  took  burning 
firebrands,  and  ran  with  them  to  the  murtherers'  houses  that  killed  him, 
to  set  them  on  fire.  Howbeit  the  conspirators,  foreseeing  the  danger 
before,  had  wisely  provided  for  themselves  and  fled."   (Life  of  Brutus.) 

Arrival  of  Octavius  in  Rome.    Scene  2.  267. 

30.  "Now  the  state  of  Rome  standing  in  these  terms^,  there  fell 
out  another  change  and  alteration,  when  the  young  man  Octavius  Caesar 
came  to  Rome.  He  was  the  son  of  Julius  Caesar's  niece,  whom  he  had 
adopted  for  his  son,  and  made  his  heir,  by  his  last  will  and  testament. 
But  when  Julius  Caesar,  his  adopted  father,  was  slain,  he  was  in  the  city 
of  Apollonia  (where  he  studied)  tarrying  for  him,  because  he  was 
determined  to  make  war  with  the  Parthians:  but  when  he  heard  the 
news  of  his  death,  he  returned  again  to  Rome."    (Life  of  Bruhis.) 

Cinna  the  Poet.    Scene  3. 

31 .  *'  There  was  a  poet  called  Cinna,  who  had  been  no  partaker  of 
the  conspiracy,  but  was  alway  one  of  Caesar's  chiefest  friends :  he  dreamed, 
the  night  before,  that  Caesar  bad  him  to  supper  with  him,  and  that  he 
refusing  to  go,  Caesar  was  very  importunate  with  him,  and  compelled 
him ;  so  that  at  length  he  led  him  by  the  hand  into  a  great  dark  place, 
where  being  marvellously  afraid  he  was  driven  to  follow  him  in  spite  of 
his  heart.  This  dream  put  him  all  night  into  a  fever ;  and  yet  notwith- 
standing, the  next  morning,  when  he  heard  that  they  carried  Caesar's 
body  to  burial,  being  ashamed  not  to  accompany  his  funerals,  he  went 
out  of  his  house,  and  thrust  himself  into  the  press  of  the  common  people 
that  were  in  a  great  uproar.  And  because  some  one  called  him  by  his 
name  Cinna,  the  people  thinking  he  had  been  that  Cinna  who  in  an 
oration  he  made  had  spoken  very  evil  of  Caesar,  they,  falling  upon  him 
in  their  rage,  slew  him  outright  in  the  market-place."   (Life  of  Brutus.) 

1  midst.  thoroughly.  ^  being  in  this  condition. 




Meeting  of  the  Triumvirs.    The  Proscriptions.    Scene  i. 

32.  "  Thereupon  all  three  met  together  (to  wit,  Caesar.  Antonius, 
and  Lepidus)  in  an  iland^  environed  round  about  with  a  little  river,  and 
there  remained  three  days  together.  Now  as  touching  all  other  matters 
they  were  easily  agreed,  and  did  divide  all  the  empire  of  Rome  between 
them,  as  if  it  had  been  their  own  inheritance.  But  yet  they  could 
hardly  agree  whom  they  would  put  to  death :  for  every  one  of  them 
would^  kill  their  enemies,  and  save  their  kinsmen  and  friends.  Yet  at 
length,  giving  place  to  their  greedy  desire  to  be  revenged  of  their 
enemies,  they  spurned  all  reverence  of  blood  and  holiness  of  friendship 

at  their  feet  They  condemned  300  of  the  chiefest  citizens  of  Rome  to 

be  put  to  death  by  proscription."    ^Life  of  Antony.) 

The  dispute  between  Brutus  and  Cassius.    Scene  3. 

33.  **  Brutus,  upon  complaint  of  the  Sardians,  did  condemn  and 
note^  Lucius  Pella  for  a  defamed  person,  that  had  been  a  Praetor  of  the 
Romans,  and  whom  Brutus  had  given  charge  unto:  for  that  he  was 
accused  and  convicted  of  robbery  and  pilfery  in  his  office.  This  judg- 
ment much  misliked*  Cassius,  because  he  himself  had  secretly  (not  many 
days  before)  warned  two  of  his  friends,  attainted  and  convicted  of  the 
like  offences,  and  openly  had  cleared^  them :  but  yet  he  did  not  therefore 
leave*  to  employ  them  in  any  manner  of  service  as  he  did  before.  And 
therefore  he  greatly  reproved  Brutus,  for  that  he  would  shew  himself 
so  straight''  and  severe,  in  such  a  time  as  was  meeter  to  bear  a  little  than 
to  take  things  at  the  worst.  Brutus  in  contrary  manner  answered,  that 
he  should  remember  the  Ides  of  March,  at  which  time  they  slew  Julius 
Caesar,  who  neither  pilled^  nor  polled^  the  country,  but  only  was  a 
favourer  and  suborner  of  all  them  that  did  rob  and  spoil,  by  his 
countenance  and  authority."    (Life  of  Bruins^ 

Interruption  by  the  Poet.    Scene  3.  129 — 138. 

34.  Their  friends  that  were  without the  chamber,  hearing  them 
[Brutus  and  Cassius]  loud  within,  and  angry  between  themselves,  they 

1  island.  2  wanted  to.  s  disgrace.  ^  displeased. 

*  exonerated.  *  cease.  strict.  *  robbed. 

^  plundered.  outside. 


[ACT  IV. 

were  both  amazed  and  afraid  also,  lest  it  would  grow  to  further  matter : 
but  yet  they  were  commanded  that  no  man  should  come  to  them.  Not- 
withstanding, one  Marcus  Phaonius,  that  had  been  a  friend  and  a 
follower  of  Cato  while  he  lived,  and  took  upon  him  to  counterfeit  a 
philosopher,  not  with  wisdom  and  discretion,  but  with  a  certain  bedlem^ 
and  frantic  motion :  he  would  needs  come  into  the  chamber,  though  the 
men  offered^  to  keep  him  out.  But  it  was  no  boot^  to  let*  Phaonius, 
when  a  mad  mood  or  toy^  took  him  in  the  head :  for  he  was  a  hot  hasty 
man,  and  sudden  in  all  his  doings,  and  cared  for  never  a  senator  of 
them  all.  Now,  though  he  used  this  bold  manner  of  speech  after  the 
profession  of  the  Cynic  philosophers  (as  who  would  say,  Dogs)^  yet  his 
boldness  did  no  hurt  many  times,  because  they  did  but  laugh  at  him  to 
see  him  so  mad.  This  Phaonius  at  that  time,  in  despite  of  the  door- 
keepers, came  into  the  chamber,  and  with  a  certain  scoffing  and  mocking 
gesture,  which  he  counterfeited  of*^  purpose,  he  rehearsed  the  verses 
which  old  Nestor  said  in  Homer : 

*  My  lords,  I  pray  you  hearken  both  to  me, 
For  I  have  seen  mo''  years  than  suchie^  three.' 
Cassius  fell  a-laughing  at  him :  but  Brutus  thrust  him  out  of  the  chamber, 
and  called  him  dog,  and  counterfeit  Cynic.    Howbeit  his  coming  in 
brake  their  strife  at  that  time,  and  so  they  left  each  other."    (Life  of 

Portia's  death.    Scene  3.  147 — 157. 

35.  **  And  for^  Porcia,  Brutus'  wife,  Nicolaus  the  Philosopher  and 
Valerius  Maximus  do  write,  that  she,  detemiining  to  kill  herself  (her 
parents  and  friends  carefully  looking  to  her  to  keep  her  from  it),  took 
hot  burning  coals  and  cast  them  into  her  mouth,  and  kept  her  mouth  so 
close  that  she  choked  herself."    (Life  of  Brut  its,) 

The  apparition  of  Caesar's  Spirit  to  Brutus. 

Scene  3.  274 — 289. 

36.  "The  ghost  that  appeared  unto  Brutus  shewed  plainly,  that  the 
gods  were  offended  with  the  murther  of  Csesar.  The  vision  was  thus : 
Brutus  being  ready  to  pass  over  his  army  from  the  city  of  Abydos  to  the 
other  coast  lying  directly  against  it,  slept  every  night  (as  his  manner  was) 
in  his  tent ;  and  being  yet  awake,  thinking  of  his  affairs  (for  by  report  he 

1  mad.  2  tried.  *  no  use.  ^  hinder, 

whim.  on.  '  more.  *  such. 

*  3s  for,  *•  right  opposite. 



was  as  careful  a  captain  and  lived  with  as  little  sleep  as  ever  man  did) 
he  thought  he  heard  a  noise  at  his  tent-door,  and  looking  towards  the 
light  of  the  lamp  that  waxed  very  dim,  he  saw  a  horrible  vision  of  a 
man,  of  a  wonderful  greatness  and  dreadful  look,  which  at  the  first  made 
him  marvellously  afraid.  But  when  he  saw  that  it  did  him  no  hurt,  but 
stood  by  his  bed-side  and  said  nothing;  at  length  he  asked  him  what 
he  was.  The  image  answered  him :  *  I  am  thy  ill  angel,  Brutus,  and 
thou  shalt  see  me  by  the  city  of  Philippes.'  Then  Brutus  replied  again, 
and  said,  *Well,  I  shall  see  thee  then.'  Therewithal  the  spirit 
presently^  vanished  from  him."    [Life  of  Ccesar,) 

37.  "  So,  being  ready  to  go  into  Europe,  one  night  very  late  (when 
all  the  camp  took  quiet  rest)  as  he  was  in  his  tent  with  a  little  liglit, 
thinking  of  weighty  matters,  he  thought  he  heard  one  come  in  to  him, 
and  casting  his  eye  towards  the  door  of  his  tent,  that  he  saw  a  wonder- 
ful strange  and  monstrous  shape  of  a  body  coming  towards  him,  and 
said  never  a  word.  So  Brutus  boldly  asked  what  he  was,  a  god  or  a 
man,  and  what  cause  brought  him  thither.  The  spirit  answered  him, 
*  I  am  thy  evil  spirit,  Brutus :  and  thou  shalt  see  me  by  the  city  of 
Philippes.'  Brutus  being  no  otherwise  afraid,  replied  again  unto  it: 
*Well,  then  I  shall  see  thee  again.'  The  spirit  presently  vanished 
away:  and  Brutus  called  his  men  unto  him,  who  told  him  that  they 
heard  no  noise,  nor  saw  any  thing  at  all,"    (Life  of  BnUus,) 

ACT  V. 

Cassius  to  Messala.  Scene  i.  71 — 76. 
38.  "  '  Messala,  I  protest  unto  thee,  and  make  thee  my  witness,  that 
I  am  compelled  against  my  mind  and  will  (as  Pompey  the  Great  was)  to 
jeopard 2  the  liberty  of  our  country  to  the  hazard  of  a  battle.  And  yet 
we  must  be  lively,  and  of  good  courage,  considering  our  good  fortune, 
whom  we  should  wrong  too  much  to  mistrust  her,  although  we  follow 
evil  counsel.'  Messala  writeth,  that  Cassius  having  spoken  these  last 
words  unto  him,  he  bade  him  farewell,  and  willed  him  to  come  to 
supper  to  him  the  next  night  following,  because  it  was  his  birthday." 
(Life  of  Brutus^,) 

1  at  once.  2  j-jsk. 

3  All  the  remaining  Extracts  are  from  this  Life, 


[ACT  V. 

The  omens;  their  effect  upon  Cassius.    Scene  1.77—89. 

39.  "  When  they  raised  their  camp,  there  came  two  eagles  that, 
flying  with  a  marvellous  force,  lighted  upon  two  of  the  foremost  ensigns, 
and  always  followed  the  soldiers,  which  gave  them  meat  and  fed  them, 
until  they  came  near  to  the  city  of  Philippes :  and  there,  one  day  only 
before  the  battle,  they  both  flew  away... And  yet  further,  there  was  seen  a 
marvellous  number  of  fowls ^  of  prey,  that  feed  upon  dead  carcases.., The 
which  [omens]  began  somewhat  to  alter  Cassius'  mind  from  Epicurus' 
opinions,  and  had  put  the  soldiers  also  in  a  marvellous  fear.  Thereupon 
Cassius  was  of  opinion  not  to  try  this  war  at  one  battle,  but  rather  to 
delay  time,  and  to  draw  it  out  in  length,  considering  that  they  were  the 
stronger  in  money,  and  the  weaker  in  men  and  armour.  But  Brutus 
did  alvvay  before,  and  at  that  time  also,  desire  nothing  more  than  to  put 
all  to  the  hazard  of  battle,  as  soon  as  might  be  possible." 

The  morning  of  the  day  of  battle.    Scene  i.  93 — 126. 

40.  "  By  break  of  day,  the  signal  of  battle  was  set  out  in  Brutus' 
and  Cassius'  camp,  which  was  an  arming  scarlet  coat :  and  both  the  chief- 
tains spake  together  in  the  midst  of  their  armies.  There  Cassius  began 
to  speak  first,  and  said :  '  The  gods  grant  us,  O  Brutus,  that  this  day 
we  may  win  the  field,  and  ever  after  to  live  all  the  rest  of  our  life  quietly 
one  with  another.  But  sith^  the  gods  have  so  ordained  it,  that  the 
greatest  and  chiefest  things  amongst  men  are  most  uncertain,  and  that 
if  the  battle  fall  out  otherwise  to-day  than  we  wish  or  look  for,  we  shall 
hardly  meet  again,  what  art  thou  then  determined  to  do,  to  fly,  or  die?' 
Brutus  answered  him,  being  yet  but  a  young  man,  and  not  over  greatly 
experienced  in  the  world :  '  I  trust  ^  (I  know  not  how)  a  certain  rule  of 
philosophy,  by  the  which  I  did  greatly  blame  and  reprove  Cato  for 
killing  himself,  as  being  no  lawful  nor  godly  act,  touching  the  gods: 
nor  concerning  men,  valiant;  not  to  give  place  and  yield  to  divine 
providence,  and  not  constantly  and  patiently  to  take  whatsoever  it 
pleaseth  him  to  send  us,  but  to  draw  back  and  fly :  but  being  now  in 
the  midst  of  the  danger,  I  am  of  a  contrary  mind.  For  if  it  be  not  the 
will  of  God  that  this  battle  fall  out  fortunate  for  us,  I  will  look  no  more 
for  hope,  neither  seek  to  make  any  new  supply  for  war  again,  but  will 

1  birds.  2  since. 

*  Should  be  *  trusted,'  and  his  answer  really  begins  at  '  being  yet.'  North  missed 
the  sense  and  so  Shakespeare  was  misled  ;  see  v.  i.  loi — io8,  note. 

sc.  III.] 



rid  me  of  this  miserable  world,  and  content  me  with  my  fortune.  For  I 
gave  up  my  life  for  my  country  in  the  Ides  of  March,  for  the  which 
I  shall  live  in  another  more  glorious  world.'  Cassius  fell  a-laughing, 
and  embracing  him,  'Come  on  then,*  said  he,  Met  us  go  and  charge 
our  enemies  with  this  mind.  For  either  we  shall  conquer,  or  we  shall 
not  need  to  fear  the  conquerors.  *  After  this  talk,  they  fell  to  consultation 
among  their  friends  for  the  ordering  of  the  battle." 

The  battle :  defeat  of  Cassius.    Scene  3.  i — 8. 

41 .  **  Brutus  had  conquered  all  on  his  side,  and  Cassius  had  lost  all 
on  the  other  side.  For  nothing  undid  them  but  that  Brutus  went  not  to 
help  Cassius,  thinking  he  had  overcome  them  as  himself  had  done ;  and 
Cassius  on  l2ie  other  side  tarried  not  for  Brutus,  thinking  he  had  been 
overthrown  as  himself  was. ...He  [Cassius]  was  marvellous  angry  to  see 
how  Brutus'  men  ran  to  give  charge  upon  their  enemies,  and  tarried  not 
for  the  word  of  the  battle,  nor  commandment  to  give  charge ;  and  it 
grieved  him  beside,  that  after  he  [Brutus]  had  overcome  them,  his  men 
fell  straight  to  spoil,  and  were  not  careful  to  compass  in  the  rest  of  the 
enemies  behind :  but  with  tarrying  too  long  also,  more  than  through  the 
valiantness  or  foresight  of  the  captains  his  enemies,  Cassius  found 
himself  compassed  in  with  the  right  wing  of  his  enemy's  army.  Where- 
upon his  horsemen  brake  immediately,  and  fled  for  life  towards  the  sea. 
Furthermore  perceiving  his  footmen  to  give  ground,  he  did  what  he 
could  to  keep  them  from  flying,  and  took  an  ensign  from  one  of  the 
ensign-bearers  that  fled,  and  stuck  it  fast  at  his  feet:  although  with 
much  ado  he  could  scant  keep  his  own  guard  together." 

The  deaths  of  Cassius  and  Titinius.    Scene  3.  9—90. 

42.  **  So  Cassius  himself  was  at  length  compelled  to  fly,  with  a  few 
about  him,  unto  a  little  hill,  from  whence  they  might  easily  see  what 
was  done  in  all  the  plain :  howbeit  Cassius  himself  saw  nothing,  for  his 
sight  was  very  bad,  saving  that  he  saw  (and  yet  with  much  ado)  how  the 
enemies  spoiled  his  camp  before  his  eyes.  He  saw  also  a  great  troupe ^ 
of  horsemen,  whom  Brutus  sent  to  aid  him,  and  thought  tha'v  they  were 
his  enemies  that  followed  him :  but  yet  he  sent  Titinnius,  one  of  them  that 
was  with  him,  to  go  and  know  what  they  were.  Brutus'  horsemen  saw 
him  coming  afar  off,  whom  when  they  knew  that  he  was  one  of  Cassius' 
chiefest  friends,  they  shouted  out  for  joy;  and  they  that  were  familiarly 

^  troop. 



[ACT  V. 

acquainted  with  him  lighted  from  their  horses,  and  went  and  embraced 
him.  The  rest  compassed  him  in  round  about  on  horseback,  with  songs 
of  victory  and  great  rushing^  of  their  harness*,  so  that  they  made  all  the 
field  ring  again  for  joy.  But  this  marred  all.  For  Cassius,  thinking 
indeed  that  Titinnius  was  taken  of  ^  the  enemies,  he  then  spake  these 
words :  '  Desiring  too  much  to  live,  I  have  lived  to  see  one  of  my  best 
friends  taken,  for  my  sake,  before  my  face.* 

**  After  that,  he  got  into  a  tent  where  nobody  was,  and  took 
Pindarus  with  him,  one  of  his  bondsmen  whom  he  reserved  ever 
for  such  a  pinch*,  since  the  cursed  battle  of  the  Parthians,  where 
Crassus  was  slain,  though  he  notwithstanding  scaped  from  that 
overthrow:  but  then,  casting  his  cloak  over  his  head,  and  holding 
out  his  bare  neck  unto  Pindarus,  he  gave  him  his  head  to  be  stricken 
off.  So  the  head  was  found  severed  from  the  body:  but  after  that 
time  Pindarus  was  never  seen  more. ...By  and  by  they  knew  the 
horsemen  that  came  towards  them,  and  might  see  Titinnius  crowned 
with  a  garland  of  triumph,  who  came  before  with  great  speed  unto 
Cassius.  But  when  he  perceived,  by  the  cries  and  tears  of  his  friends 
which  tormented  themselves,  the  misfortune  that  had  chanced  to  his 
captain  Cassius  by  mistaking,  he  drew  out  his  sword,  cursing  himself  a 
thousand  times  that  he  had  tarried  so  long,  and  so  slew  himself 
presently^  in  the  field." 

**  The  last  of  all  the  Romans,  fare  thee  well ! " 

Scene  3.  91 — 106. 

43.  *'  Brutus  in  the  mean  time  came  forward  still,  and  understood 
also  that  Cassius  had  been  overthrown :  but  he  knew  nothing  of  his  death 
till  he  came  very  near  to  his  camp.  So  when  he  was  come  thither,  after 
he  had  lamented  the  death  of  Cassius,  calling  him  the  last  of  all  the 
Romans,  being  unpossible  that  Rome  should  ever  breed  again  so  noble 
and  valiant  a  man  as  he,  he  caused  his  body  to  be  buried,  and  sent  it  to 
the  city  of  Thassos,  fearing  lest  his  funerals  within  his  camp  should 
cause  great  disorder." 

*'I  am  the  son  of  Marcus  Cato,  ho!"    Scene  4.  2 — 11. 

44.  "  There  was  the  son  of  Marcus  Cato  slain,  valiantly  fighting 
among  the  lusty  youths.   For  notwithstanding  that  he  was  very  weary  and 

*  clashing.         *  armour.         *  by.  *  difificult  moment,         *  at  once. 


over-harried ^  yet  would  he  not  therefore  fly;  but  manfully  fighting  and 
laying  about  him,  telling  aloud  his  name,  and  also  his  father's  name,  at 
length  he  was  beaten  down  amongst  many  other  dead  bodies  of  his 
enemies,  which  he  had  slain  round  about  him." 

The  device  of  Lucilius  to  save  Brutus.    Scene  4.  14 — 29. 

45.  **  All  the  chiefest  gentlemen  and  nobility  that  were  in  his  army 
valiantly  ran  into  any  danger  to  save  Brutus'  life :  amongst  whom  there 
was  one  of  Brutus'  friends  called  Lucilius,  who  seeing  a  troupe  of 
barbarous  men  going  all  together  right  against  Brutus,  he  determined  to 
stay  them  with  the  hazard  of  his  life;  and  being  left  behind,  told  them 
that  he  was  Brutus :  and  because  they  should  believe  him,  he  prayed 
them  to  bring  him  to  Antonius,  for  he  said  he  was  afraid  of  Caesar,  and 
that  he  did  trust  Antonius  better.  These  barbarous  men,  being  very 
glad  of  this  good  hap^,  and  thinking  themselves  happy  men,  they 
carried  him  in  the  night,  and  sent  some  before  unto  Antonius,  to  tell 
him  of  their  coming.  He  was  marvellous  glad  of  it,  and  went  out  to 
meet  them  that  brought  him. ...When  they  came  near  together,  Antonius 
stayed  a  while  bethinking  himself  how  he  should  use  Brutus.  In  the 
meantime  Lucilius  was  brought  to  him,  who  stoutly  with  a  bold 
countenance  said,:  '  Antonius,  I  dare  assure  thee,  that  no  enemy  hath 
taken  nor  shall  take  Marcus  Brutus  alive,  and  I  beseech  God  keep  him 
from  that  fortune :  for  wheresoever  he  be  found,  alive  or  dead,  he  will 
be  found  like  himself.  And  now  for  myself,  I  am  come  unto  thee, 
having  deceived  these  men  of  arms  here,  bearing  them  down^  that  I 
was  Brutus,  and  do  not  refuse  to  suffer  any  torment  thou  wilt  put  me 
to.'  Lucilius'  words  made  them  all  amazed  that  heard  him.  Antonius 
on  the  other  side,  looking  upon  all  them  that  had  brought  him,  said 
unto  them :  '  My  companions,  I  think  ye  are  sorry  you  have  failed  of 
your  purpose,  and  that  you  think  this  man  hath  done  you  great  wrong : 
but  I  assure  you,  you  have  taken  a  better  booty  than  that  you  followed. 
For  instead  of  an  enemy  you  have  brought  me  a  friend:  and  for  my 
part,  if  you  had  brought  me  Brutus  alive,  truly  I  cannot  tell  what  I 
should  have  done  to  him.  For  I  had  rather  have  such  men  my  friends, 
as  this  man  here,  than  mine  enemies.*  Then  he  embraced  Lucilius, 
and  at  that  time  delivered  him  to  one  of  his  friends  in  custody;  and 
Lucilius  ever  after  served  him  faithfully,  even  to  his  death." 

*  sore  harassed.  ^  chance.  ^  making  them  think  wrongly. 



[ACT  V. 

The  last  incidents  of  the  drama.  Death  of  Brutus.   Scene  5. 

46.  '*  Brutus  thought  that  there  was  no  great  number  of  men  slain  in 
battle :  and,  to  know  the  truth  of  it,  there  was  one  called  Statilius,  that 
promised  to  go  through  his  enemies,  for  other^^dse  it  was  impossible  to 
go  see  their  camp :  and  from  thence,  if  all  were  well,  that  he  would  lift 
up  a  torch-light  in  the  air,  and  then  return  again  ^vith  speed  to  him. 
The  torch-light  was  lift  up  as  he  had  promised,  for  Statilius  went 
thither.  Now  Brutus  seeing  Statilius  taiTy  long  after  that,  and  that  he 
came  not  again,  he  said :  '  If  Statilius  be  alive,  he  will  come  again.' 
But  his  evil  fortune  was  such  that,  as  he  came  back,  he  lighted  in  his 
enemies'  hands  and  was  slain. 

"Now  the  night  being  far  spent,  Brutus  as  he  sat  bowed  towards 
Clitus,  one  of  his  men,  and  told  him  somewhat  in  his  ear:  the  other 
answered  him  not,  but  fell  a-weeping.  Thereupon  he  proved^ 
Dardanus,  and  said  somewhat  also  to  him  :  at  length  he  came  to 
Volumnius  himself,  and  speaking  to  him  in  Greek,  prayed  him  for 
the  studies'  sake  which  brought  them  acquainted  together,  that  he 
would  help  him  to  put  his  hand  to  his  sword,  to  thrust  it  in  him  to  kill 
him.  Volumnius  denied  his  request,  and  so  did  many  others:  and 
amongst  the  rest,  one  of  them  said,  there  was  no  tarrying  for  them 
there,  but  that  they  must  needs  fly.  Then  Brutus,  rising  up,  '  We  must 
fly  indeed,'  said  he,  'but  it  must  be  with  our  hands,  not  with  our  feet.' 
Then  taking  etery  man  by  the  hand,  he  said  these  words  unto  them 
with,  a  cheerful  countenance :  *  It  rejoiceth  my  heart,  that  not  one  of 
my  friends  hath  failed  me  at  my  need,  and  I  do  not  complain  of  my 
fortune,  but  only  for  my  country's  sake :  for  as  for  me,  I  think  myself 
happier  than  they  that  have  overcome,  considering  that  I  leave  a 
perpetual  fame  of  virtue  and  honesty,  the  which  our  enemies  the 
conquerors  shall  never  attain  unto  by  force  or  money;  neither  can  let- 
their  posterity  to  say  that  they,  being  naughty^  and  unjust  men,  have 
slain  good  men,  to  usurp  tyrannical  power  not  pertaining  to  them. ' 

' '  Having  so  said,  he  prayed  every  man  to  shift  for  himself,  and  then  he 
went  a  little  aside  with  two  or  three  only,  among  the  which  Strato  was 
one,  with  whom  he  came  first  acquainted  by  the  study  of  rhetoric.  He 
came  as  near  to  him  as  he  could,  and  taking  his  sword  by  the  hilt  \^ath 
both  his  hands,  and  falling  down  upon  the  point  of  it,  ran  himself 
through.  Others  say  that  not  he,  but  Strato  (at  his  request)  held  the 
sword  in  his  hand,  and  turned  his  head  aside,  and  that  Brutus  fell  down 
^  tried.  2  prevent.  •  wicked. 

sc.  v.] 


upon  it,  and  so  ran  himself  through,  and  died  presently ^  ..Now 
Antonius  having  found  Brutus'  body,  he  caused  it  to  be  wrapped  up  in 
one  of  the  richest  coat-armours ^  he  had.  Afterwards  Antonius  sent  the 
ashes  of  his  body  unto  Servilia  his  mother." 

"The  noblest  Roman  of  them  all."    Scene  5.  68 — 75. 

47.  "  Brutus,  for  his  virtue  and  valiantness,  was  well  beloved  of  the 
people  and  his  own,  esteemed  of  noblemen,  and  hated  of  no  man,  not 
so  much  as  of  his  enemies;  because  he  was  a  marvellous  lowly  and 
gentle  person,  noble-minded,  and  would  never  be  in  any  rage,  nor 
carried  away  with  pleasure  and  covetousness,  but  had  ever  an  upright 
mind  with  him,  and  would  never  yield  to  any  wrong  or  injustice;  the 
which  was  the  chiefest  cause  of  his  fame,  of  his  rising,  and  of  the 
goodwill  that  every  man  bare  him :  for  they  were  all  persuaded  that  his 
intent  was  good.... For  it  was  said  that  Antonius  spake  it  openly  divers 
times,  that  he  thought,  that  of  all  them  that  had  slain  Caesar,  there  AA  as 
none  but  Brutus  only  that  was  moved  to  do  it,  as  thinking  the  act 
commendable  of  itself :  but  that  all  the  other  conspirators  did  conspire 
his  death  for  some  private  malice  or  envy,  that  they  otherwise  did  bear 
unto  him." 

Messala  and  Strato.    Scene  5.  52 — 67. 

48.  *'  Messala,  that  had  been  Brutus'  great  friend,  became  after- 
wards Octavius  Csesar's  friend :  so,  shortly  after,  Caesar  being  at  good 
leisure,  he  brought  Strato,  Brutus'  friend,  unto  him,  and  weeping  said; 
*  Coeear,  behold  here  is  he  that  did  the  last  service  to  my  Brutus.' 
Caesar  welcomed  him  at  that  time,  and  afterwards  he  did  him  as  faithful 
service  in  all  his  affairs  as  any  Grecian  else  he  had  about  him,  until  the 
battle  of  Actium." 

^  at  once.  uniforms. 

13— « 




The  real  scene  of  Ccesar's  murder,  which  Shakespeare  places  in  the 
Capitol,  was  the  Curia  Pompeiana^  adjoining  the  Fortictis  of  Pompey's 
theatre  ;  see  p.  io8. 

This  Curia  was  a  *'  hall,  with  one  side  curved  and  furnished  with 
tiers  of  seats.  It  was  used  for  meetings  of  the  Senate,  and  in  it  Csesar 
was  murdered  at  the  foot  of  a  colossal  statue  of  Pompey,  which  stood  in 
the  centre. ...During  the  outburst  of  grief  caused  by  the  death  of  Julius 
Caesar  the  Curia  Pompeiana  was  burnt,  and  the  scene  of  the  murder 
decreed  by  the  Senate  to  be  a  locus  sceleratus.  The  statue  of  Pompey 
was  saved  from  the  fire,  and  was  set  by  Augustus  on  a  marble  arch  at  the 
entrance  to  the  Porticus^  (J.  H.  Middleton,  The  Remains  of  Ancient 
Ronie^  II.  68.) 

Shakespeare  diverges  from  the  true,  historical  account  in  Plutarch, 
and  gives  the  Capitol,  not  this  Curia^  as  the  place  where  the  murder 
happened,  because  of  the  old  literary  tradition  to  that  effect;  cf. 
Chaucer,  The  Monk's  Tale'. 

"  This  lulius  to  the  Capitolie  wente 
Upon  a  day,  as  he  was  wont  to  goon, 
And  in  the  Capitolie  anon  him  hente  [seized] 
This  false  Brutus,  and  his  othere  foon. 
And  stikede  him  with  boydekins  [dodkins]  anoon 
With  many  a  wounde,  and  thus  they  lete  him  lye." 
So  in  JIamlety  ill.  2.  104 — 108  :  **  You  played  once  i'  the  university,  you 
say?... I  did  enact  Julius  Caesar:  I  was  killed  i'  the  Capitol;  Brutus 
killed  me":  and  in  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  ii.  6.  14 — 18. 



It  is  therefore  purely  for  the  sake  of  the  h'terary  association  tliat 
Shakespeare  selects  the  Capitol,  not  the  Curia  Pompeiana. 

Caesar  fell  at  the  foot  of  the  statue  of  his  great  and  vanquished  rival 
— surely  one  of  the  most  wonderful  pieces  of  the  irony  of  fortune  in  all 
history.  Shakespeare  cannot  lose  so  fine  a  dramatic  incident:  hence 
he  transfers  the  statue  from  its  real  site  in  the  Curia  to  the  Capitol :  a 
good  illustration,  I  think,  of  his  way  of  preferring  dramatic  effect  to 
accuracy  of  historic  detail. 

In  one  of  the  palaces  of  Rome  (the  Palazzo  Spada)  is  a  colossal 
marble  statue,  found  in  1553,  which  is  commonly  supposed  to  be  this 
very  statue  of  Pompey. 

But  Professor  Middleton  says,  there  is  little  ground  for  this  belief. 
The  original  statue  of  Pompey  was  probably  of  bronze."  Rolfe  quotes 
the  allusion  to  this  tradition  in  Byron's  Childe  Harold, 


"  KnoWy  CcBsar  doth  not  wrongs  nor  without  canst 
Will  he  be  satisfied,'    Act  ill.  Sc.  1.  11.  47,  48. 

The  gist  of  these  lines  is :  *  I  was  right  in  banishing  Metellus  Cimber 
— since  "Caesar  doth  not  wrong":  and  if  I  am  to  recall  him,  you 
must  satisfy  me  with  some  good  reason  for  changing — since  Csesar 
is  not  to  be  moved  with  empty  flattery.'  The  tone  of  the  speech  is 
egotistical,  and  the  egotism  reaches  its  climax  in  the  statement  that  he 
is  incapable  of  doing  wrong — is,  in  fact,  an  infallible,  an  impeccable 
being,  a  deity  almost.  There  is  a  strong  emphasis  (note  its  position  at 
the  end  of  the  line)  on  cause'.  Metellus  has  been  trying  to  alter  Ci3esar's 
purpose  by  means  of  sweet  words"  and  "base  fawning":  but  these 
things  are  no  *' cause,"  nor  do  they  appeal  to  Caesar  at  all:  when  he 
changes  his  mind,  it  must  be  for  some  strong  reason. 

By  satisfied  he  means  convinced  that  he  may  with  propriety  do  that 
which  is  asked  of  him :  i.e.  change  his  mind,  as  the  whole  context 

Probably  no  discussion  would  have  arisen  over  the  passage  but  for 
the  fact  that  Ben  Jonson  quotes  it  twice  in  a  form  different  from  the 
reading  of  the  ist  Folio.  In  the  Inductio7t  to  one  of  Jonson's  last 
comedies  The  Staple  of  Nroos  (acted  1625)  a  character  says,  "  I  can  do 
that  too,  if  I  have  cause,"  to  which  the  reply  is  made,  Cry  you  mercy, 
you  never  did  wrongs  but  tvith  just  cause.''    That  is  a  clear  allusion  to 


this  passage  in  JuUm  Ccesar.  Again  in  his  prose-work  called  Discoveries 
Jonson  writes : 

*'  I  remember,  the  players  have  often  mentioned  it  as  an  honour 
to  Shakespeare,  that  in  his  writing  (whatsoever  he  penned)  he  never 
blotted  out  a  line.  My  answer  hath  been,  Would  he  had  blotted  a 
thousand.  Which  they  thought  a  malevolent  speech.  I  had  not  told 
posterity  this,  but  for  their  ignorance,  who  chose  that  circumstance  to 
commend  their  friend  by,  wherein  he  most  faulted ;  and  to  justify  mine 
own  candour :  for  I  loved  the  man,  and  do  honour  his  memory,  on  this 
side  idolatry,  as  much  as  any.  He  was  (indeed)  honest,  and  of  an  open 
and  free  nature ;  had  an  excellent  phantasy,  brave  notions,  and  gentle 
expressions ;  wherein  he  flowed  with  that  facility,  that  sometimes  it  was 
necessary  he  should  be  stopped  :  Sufflaminandus  erat^^  as  Augustus  said 
of  Haterius.  His  wit  was  in  his  own  power :  would  the  rule  of  it  had 
been  so  too  !  Many  times  he  fell  into  those  things  {thafl  could  not  escape 
laughter:  as  when  he  said  in  the  person  of  Caesar,  one  speaking  to  him, 
^Csesar,  thou  dost  me  wrong,'  he  replied,  *  Caesar  did  never  wrong  bid 
with  just  caused  and  such  like;  which  were  ridiculous.  But  he  re- 
deemed his  vices  with  his  virtues.  There  was  ever  more  in  him  to  be 
praised  than  to  be  pardoned." 

Now  there  is  no  satisfactory  way  of  reconciling  these  two  allusions 
with  the  text  of  the  passage  as  printed  in  the  ist  Folio.  Some  editors 
infer  from  Jonson 's  account  that  in  its  original  form  the  passage  stood 
thus  : 

Metellus.    Caesar,  thou  dost  me  wrong. 

Ccesar.  Know,  Caesar  doth  not  wrong,  but  with  just  cause, 
Nor  without  cause  will  he  be  satisfied  : " 
i.e.  that  at  line  46  Metellus  interrupted  Caesar.  It  has  been  argued  that 
the  paradoxical  character  of  the  passage  in  that  form  excited  contem- 
porary notice  and  perhaps  ridicule — else  why  was  it  referred  to  in  The 
Staple  of  News  ?— and  that  for  this  reason  it  was  altered  to  its  present  form 
by  the  editors  of  the  ist  Folio.  But  the  Folio  reading  is  to  my  mind 
much  the  finer  and  therefore  the  more  likely  to  be  Shakespeare's  own 
work.  The  autocratic  "Caesar  doth  not  wrong"  seems  to  me  to  be 
spoilt  by  the  qualification  *'  but  with  just  cause."  I  can  only  suppose 
therefore  that  Ben  Jonson  simply  misquoted  the  passage,  and  that  the 
Folio  gives  us  the  true  reading. 

'  He  should  have  been  checked.* 



**ET  TU,  BRUTE.' 

Act  III.  Sc.  I.  1.  77. 

There  appears  to  be  no  historical  authority  for  these  words.  Plutarch 
states  that  Caesar,  when  assailed  by  the  conspirators,  called  out  in  Latin 
to  Casca,  O  vile  traitor,  Casca,  what  doest  thou?";  but  he  does  not 
record  that  Caesar  said  anything  to  Brutus.  Shakespeare  therefore  had 
not  the  authority  of  Plutarch.  Suetonius,  again,  states  that  Caesar  did 
address  Brutus,  but  in  Greek,  his  words  being '  *  koX  ci)  t^kvov  "  =  *  and  thou 
too,  my  son  ?*  None  of  the  other  writers  of  antiquity  who  have  narrated 
the  death  of  Caesar  mention  the  words  **  Et  tuy  Brute?  "  The  saying,  how- 
ever, had  become  almost  proverbial  among  Elizabethan  writers,  and  for 
that  reason  Shakespeare  employed  it.  Editors  mention  three  works 
published  earlier  than  JuHms  Ccesar  which  contain  the  words. 

1.  The  old  Latin  play  Casaris  interfecit,  1582,  by  Dr  Richard 
Eedes,  performed  at  Christ  Church  College,  Oxford ;  see  Introduction. 

2.  The  True  Tragedie  of  Richard  Duke  of  Yorke,  1595  ;  in  this  play 
occurs  the  line 

Et  iu,  Brute?  wilt  thou  stab  C^sar  too?" 

3.  A  poem  called  Acolastus  his  Afterwitte,  1600,  by  S.  Nicholson, 
in  which  this  same  line  is  found : 

Et  tu  Brute?  wilt  thou  stab  Caesar  too? 
Thou  art  my  friend,  and  wilt  not  see  me  wrong'd.*' 
And  to  these  Dyce  adds  Caesar's  Legend,  Mirror  for  Magistrates^ 

"0  this,  quoth  I,  is  violence:  then  Cassius  pierc'd  my  breast; 
And  Brutus  thou,  my  sonne,  quoth  I,  whom  erst  I  loved  best.*' 
It  seems  likely  that  '*  Et  tUy  Brute?  "  originated  with  the  Latin  play, 
and  was  adapted  from  the  **  Koi  <rv  riKvov  "  of  Suetonius :  the  name 
Brute being  introduced  for  the  sake  of  clearness,  i.e.  to  show  who 
was  addressed.    Whether  this  be  so  or  not,  we  may  reasonably  assume 
that  the  immediate  source  which  suggested  the  saying  to  Shakespeare  was 
the  play  of  The  True  Tragedie,  since  that  is  the  work  on  which  the  third 
part  of  Henry  VI.  is  based.    In  recasting  The  Tragedie  Shakespeare 
came  across — and  remembered— the  famous  words  attributed  to  the 
dying  Dictator. 





What  has  been  said  in  the  Introduction  as  to  the  relation  of 
Julius  Ccesar  to  Hamlet  may  with  advantage  be  supplemented  by 
some  remarks  in  Dr  Brandes's  fine  work  (English  translation,  1898): 

"Everywhere  in  Julius  Casar  we  feel  the  proximity  of  Hamlet. 
The  fact  that  Hamlet  hesitates  so  long  before  attacking  the  King,  finds 
so  many  reasons  to  hold  his  hand,  is  torn  with  doubts  as  to  the  act  and 
its  consequences,  and  insists  on  considering  everything  even  while  he 
upbraids  himself  for  considering  so  long — all  this  is  partly  due,  no 
doubt,  to  the  circumstance  that  Shakespeare  comes  to  him  directly 
from  Brutus.  His  Hamlet  has,  so  to  speak,  just  seen  what  happened 
to  Brutus,  and  the  example  is  not  encouraging,  either  with  respect  to 
action  in  general,  or  with  respect  to  the  murder  of  a  stepfather  in 
particular.... Brutus  forms  the  transition  to  Hamlet,  and  Hamlet  no 
doubt  grew  up  in  Shakespeare's  mind  during  the  working  out  of 
Julius  CcBsar.^^ 

I  am  glad  to  have  this  opportunity  of  inserting  an  entirely  novel 
comment  by  Dr  Brandes  on  another  point  in  the  play,  viz.  the  fact  that 
the  Dictator  refers  to  himself  several  times  in  the  3rd  person  as 
'^Csesar."  His  doing  so  creates  an  impression  of  intense  pride  and 
egotism.  **  He  forgets  himself  as  he  actually  is  "  (says  Dowden),  "and 
knows  only  the  vast  legendary  power  named  *  Csesar.*  He  is  a  nu?neti 
['  divinity']  to  himself,  speaking  of  '  Caesar  '  in  the  third  person,  as  if  of 
some  power  above  and  behind  his  consciousness." 

Now  Dr  Brandes  reminds  us  that  in  his  Commentaries  Csesar 
"  always  speaks  of  himself  in  the  third  person,  and  calls  himself  by  his 
name  "  :  Shakespeare  may  have  known  this,  but  misinterpreted  Casar's 
motive  and  turned  what  was  really  a  mark  of  modesty  into  a  mark  of 
pride.    The  explanation  is  very  ingenious,  I  think. 

A  good  parallel  is  Richard  II.  ill.  3.  143 — 145,  where  Richard's 
use  oi  the  3rd  person  in  speaking  of  himself  gives  the  rhetorical  effect 
that  it  is  rather  the  King  than  the  man  who  sufiers  : 

*  *  What  must  the  King  do  now  ?  must  he  submit  ? 
The  King  shall  do  it :  must  he  be  deposed  ?"  etc. 

That  is  completely  in  hannony  with  Richard's  conception  of  the 
divinity  of  kingship. 



I.  Regular  Type  of  Blank  Verse. 

Blank  verse^  consists  of  unrhymed  lines,  each  of  which,  if  constructed 
according  to  the  regular  type,  contains  five  feet,  each  foot  being  com- 
posed of  two  syllables  and  having  a  strong  stress  or  accent  on  the  second 
syllable,  so  that  each  line  has  five  stresses,  falling  respectively  on  the 
even  syllables,  2,  4,  6,  8,  10.    Here  is  an  example  from  Julius  Casar: 

**Nor  st6|ny  tower,  |  nor  walls  |  of  bea|ten  brass"  (l.  3.  93). 
The  rhythm  of  a  line  like  this  is  a  "rising"  rhythm. 

Blank  verse  prior  to  Marlowe,  the  great  Elizabethan  dramatist 
whose  work  influenced  Shakespeare,  was  modelled  strictly  on  this 
type.  Further,  this  early  blank  verse  was  what  is  termed  "end-stopt": 
that  is  to  say,  there  was  almost  always  so7?ie  pause,  however  slight,  in 
the  sense,  and  consequently  in  the  rhythm,  at  the  close  of  each  line; 
while  the  couplet  was  normally  the  limit  of  the  sense.  As  an  example 
of  this  **end-stopt,"  strictly  regular  verse,  take  the  following  extract 
from  the  first  play  written  in  blank  verse,  viz.  the  tragedy  called 
Gorboduc  (1561): 

**  Why  should  I  live  and  linger  forth  my  time, 
In  longer  life  to  double  my  distress? 
O  me  most  woeful  wight !  whom  no  mishap 
Long  ere  this  day  could  have  bereaved  hence : 
Mought  not  these  hands  by  fortune  or  by  fate 
Have  pierced  this  breast,  and  life  with  iron  reft?'* 

1  The  metre  is  sometimes  called  'iambic  pentameter  verse,'  but  this  and  other 
terms,  with  the  symbols,  of  Greek  prosody  should  be  avoided,  since  classical  metres, 
Greek  and  Latin,  are  based  on  a  different  principle  from  English  prosody.  The  basis 
of  classical  metre  is  the  "quantity"  of  syllables,  and  this  is  represented  by  the  symbols 
-  (long  syllable)  and  ^  (short).  The  basis  of  English  metre  is  stress  or  accent  (i.e.  the 
stress  laid  by  the  voice  on  a  syllable  in  pronouncing  it)  ;  and  stress  should  l)e 
represented  by  the  symbols  '  (strong  stress)  and  '  (weak). 


JULIUS  ca:sar. 

If  the  whole  of  Julius  Casar  were  written  in  verse  of  this  kind 
the  effect,  obviously,  would  be  intolerably  monotonous.  Blank  verse 
before  Marlowe  was  intolerably  monotonous,  and  in  an  especial  degree 
unsuited  to  the  drama,  which  with  its  varying  situations  and  moods 
needs  a  varied  medium  of  expression  more  than  any  other  kind  of 
poetry.  Marlowe's  great  service  to  metre,  carried  further  by  Shake- 
speare, was  to  introduce  variations  into  the  existing  type  of  the  blank 
decasyllabic  measure.  In  fact,  analysis  of  the  blank  verse  of  any 
writer  really  resolves  itself  into  a  study  of  his  modifications  of  the 
**end-stopt"  regular  type. 

II.   Shakespeare's  Variations  of  the  Regular  Type. 

The  chief  variations  found  in  Shakespeare  (some  of  them  often 
combined  in  the  same  line)  are  these: 

I.  Weak  stresses.  As  we  read  a  passage  of  blank  verse  our  ear 
tells  us  that  the  stresses  or  accents  are  not  alw^ays^  of  the  same  weight  in 
all  the  five  feet  of  each  line.    Thus  in  the  line 

**The  noise  |  of  bat|tle  hur|tled  in  |  the  air"  (ii.  2.  22) 
we  feel  at  once  that  the  stress  in  the  4th  foot  is  not  equal  to  that  which 
comes  in  the  other  feet.  A  light  stress  like  this  is  commonly  called  a 
"weak  stress.**  Two  weak  stresses  may  occur  in  the  same  line,  but 
rarely  come  together.  The  foot  in  which  a  weak  stress  is  least  frequent 
is  the  first.  The  use  of  weak  stresses  at  the  end  of  a  line  increases  in 
Shakespeare's  blank  verse,  the  tendency  of  which  (as  we  shall  see)  is 
more  and  more  to  let  the  sense  and  rhythm  '*  run  on"  from  line  to  line. 
It  is  perhaps  with  prepositions  that  a  weak  stress,  in  any  foot,  occurs 
most  often. 

Here  are  lines  with  weak  stresses  : 

"Alas,  I  it  cried,  j  'Give  me  |  some  drink,  |  Titin(ius), 
As  ^  I  sick  girl"  (i.  2.  127,  128). 

"I  found  I  it  in  I  his  cl6s|et,  'tis  |  his  will"  (ill.  2.  134). 

"And  too  I  impa|tiently  |  stamp'd  with  |  your  foot"  (ii.  i.  244). 

"With  lus|ty  sinlews,  thr6w|ing  it  |  aside"  (i.  2.  108). 

"And  say  |  you  do't  |  by  our  |  permis|si6n  "  (ill.  i.  247). 

^  Dr  Abbott  estimates  that  rather  less  than  one  line  of  three  has  the  full  numbei 
of  five  strong  stresses,  and  that  about  two  lines  out  of  three  have  four  strong  stresses. 



**But  I  I  am  c6ns|tant  as  |  the  n6r|thern  star, 
Of  whose  I  true-flx'd  |  and  res|ting  qudl|ity 
There  is  |  no  f^l|low  In  |  the  fir|mament"  (ill.  i.  60 — 62). 
It  may  not  be  amiss  to  remind  the  young  student  that  in  reading  a 
passage  of  Shakespeare  aloud  he  should  be  careful  to  give  the  weak 
stresses  as  weak,  i.e.  not  lay  the  same  emphasis  indiscriminately  on  all 
the  stressed  syllables. 

2.  Inverted  stresses^.  The  strong  stress  may  fall  on  the  first  of 
the  two  syllables  that  form  a  foot — as  the  student  will  have  observed 
in  several  of  the  lines  quoted  above.  The  following  extracts  also 
contain  examples: 

**Lo6ks  in  |  the  clouds,  |  sc6rning  |  the  base  |  degrees*'  (il.  i.  26). 

Musing  I  and  sighjing,  with  |  your  arms  |  across"  (ii.  i.  240). 
**I  hear  |  a  tongue,  |  shriller  |  than  all  |  the  mu(sic), 

Cry  *Cse|sar.'  Speak;  |  Caesar  |  is  turn'd  |  to  hear"  (i.  2.  16,  17). 
"Are  all  |  thy  c6n|quests,  gl6|ries,  tri|umphs,  spoils, 

Shrunk  to  \  this  Iit|tle  mea|sure?"  (ill.  i.  149,  150). 
**Csesar  |  has  had  |  great  wr6ng.  j 

I  Has  he,  |  masters?"  (ill.  2.  115). 
Inversion  of  the  stress  is  most  frequent  after  a  pause:  hence  the 
foot  in  which  it,  occurs  most  often  is  the  first  (i.e.  after  the  pause  at  the 
end  of  the  preceding  line) .  There  may  be  two  inversions  in  one  line, 
as  the  first  and  last  two  of  the  examples  show ;  but  they  are  seldom 
consecutive.  This  shifting  of  the  stress  emphasises  a  word.  It  also 
varies  the  regular  "rising  rhythm"  of  the  normal  blank  verse  by 
a  "falling  rhythm." 

3.  Extra  syllables.  Instead  of  ten  syllables  a  line  may  contain 
eleven  or  even  twelve.  An  extra  syllable,  unstressed,  may  occur  at 
any  point  in  the  line  before  or  after  a  pause :  hence  it  is  commonest 
in  the  last  foot  (the  end  of  a  line  being  the  commonest  place  for  a 
pause),  and  frequent  about  the  middle  of  a  line  (where  there  is  often  a 
break  in  the  sense  or  rhythm).  Compare 

**That  you  |  do  16ve  |  me,  I  |  am  n6|thing  jedl(ous)"  (i.  2.  162). 
**Wrlte  them  |  togeth(er),  |  yours  is  |  as  fair  |  a  name"  (i.  2.  144). 
"Pardon  |  me,  Jul(ius) !  |  Here  wast  |  thou  bay'd,  |  brave  hart" 

(III.  I.  204). 

"So  let  I  it  be  I  with  Cge(sar).  |  The  n6|ble  Bru(tus)  "  (iii.  2.  82). 

1  Cf.  Mr  Robert  Bridges's  work,  Milton* s  Prosody ^  pp.  19 — 21,  where  Milton's 
use  of  inversions  is  fully  analysed  and  illustrated  in  a  way  that  helps  the  study  of 
Shakespeare's  inversions. 



*' Older  I  in  prac|tice,  albler  th^n  |  yourself 
To  make  |  condi (lions),  I  Go  to ;  |  you  are  |  not,  Cas(sius) '* 

(IV.  3.  31,  32). 

An  extra  syllable,  unstressed^,  at  the  end  of  a  line,  as  in  the  first 
and  last  of  these  examples,  is  variously  called  a  "double  ending"  and 
a  "feminine  ending."  The  use  of  the  "double  ending"  becomes 
increasingly  frequent  as  Shakespeare's  blank  verse  grows  more  complex. 
**  Double  endings"  increase-  from  4  per  cent,  in  Lovi s  Labour' s  Lost  to 
33  in  Tht  Tempest^  middle  plays  such  as  As  You  LiJu  Lt  having  a 
percentage  of  about  18.  The  percentage  of  ** double  endings"  is 
therefore  one  of  the  chief  of  the  metrical  tests  which  help  us  to  fix  the 
date  of  a  play.  In  fact  the  use  of  "double  endings"  is  the  commonest 
of  Shakespeare's  variations  of  the  normal  blank  verse.  The  extra 
syllable  at  the  end  of  a  line  not  only  gives  variety  by  breaking  the 
regular  movement  of  the  ten-syllabled  lines,  but  also,  where  there  is 
no  pause  after  it,  carries  on  the  sense  and  rhythm  to  the  next  line. 

Sometimes  two  extra  syllables  occur  at  the  end — less  commonly,  in 
the  middle — of  a  line.  Compare 

"Took  it  I  too  ea(gerly) :  |  his  solldiers  fell  |  to  spoil"  (v.  3.  7). 
This  licence  is  specially  frequent  with  proper  names  ;  compare 

"You  shall,  I  Mark  An(tony^^).  \ 

Bnitus,  I  a  word  |  with  you  " 

(III.  I.  131). 

"To  you  I  our  swords  |  have  lead|en  points,  ]  Mark  An(tony)" 

(III.  I.  173). 

The  number  of  lines  with  two  extra  syllables  increases  much  in  the 
later  plays  of  Shakespeare. 

4.  Unstopt  {or  Run -on)  verse.  The  blank  verse  of  Shakespeare's 
early  plays  shows  clearly  the  influence  of  the  rhymed  couplet  wliich 
he  had  used  so  much  in  his  very  earliest  work.  In  his  early  blank 
verse  the  rhyme  indeed  is  gone,  but  the  couplet  form  remains,  with  its 
frequent  pause  of  sense,  and  consequently  of  rhythm,  at  the  end  of  the 
first  line,  and  its  still  more  frequent  stop  at  the  end  of  the  second. 

1  An  extra  syllable  that  bears  or  would  naturally  bear  a  stress  15  rare  in 
Shakespeare.  The  use  of  such  syllables  at  the  eud  of  a  line  Is  a  feature  of  Fletcher's 
verse,  and  the  frequent  occurrence  of  them  in  Henry  VIII.  is  one  of  the  metrical 
arguments  that  he  wTOte  a  good  deal  of  that  play.  Milton  has  one  or  two  instances 
in  Comus  ;  cf.  633,  "  Bore  a  bright  golden  flower,  but  not  in  this  (soil;." 

*  The  metrical  statistics  in  these  "  Hints"  are  taken  from  various  sources. 

»  Cf.  also  II.  2.  117;  III.  I.  137  ;  III.  2.  63  etc.;  also  Lep^idus)  in  iv.  1,  2. 



Lines  of  this  tyi»e  mark  only  the  first  step  in  the  evolution  of  blank  verse; 
freedom  in  the  expression  of  sense  and  varied  rhythm  arc  still  absent ; 
and  freedom  and  variety  come  only  v^hen  the  sense  "runs  on'*  from 
one  line  to  another. 

If  at  the  end  of  a  line  there  is  any  pause  in  the  sense,  however 
slight — such  a  pause  for  instance  as  is  marked  with  a  comma — the  line 
is  termed  **  end-stopt."  If  there  is  no  pause  in  the  sense  at  the  end  of 
the  line  it  is  termed  *'unstopt "  or  "  run-on."  There  is  a  progressive  in- 
crease of  "unstopt"  verse  in  the  plays.  The  proportion  of  "unstopt"  to 
•*  end-stopt "  lines  is  in  Love's  Labour's  Lost  only  i  in  18  (approximately); 
in  The  Winter^ s  Tale  it  is  about  i  in  2.  The  amount,  therefore,  of 
"  unstopt"  verse  in  a  play  is  another  of  the  metrical  tests  by  which  the 
period  of  its  composition  may,  to  some  extent,  be  inferred. 

The  rhythm  of  a  line  depends  greatly  on  the  sense ;  where  there  is 
any  pause  in  the  sense  there  must  be  a  pause  in  the  rhythm.  The  great 
merit  of  unstopt "  blank  verse  is  that  the  sense  by  overflowing  1  into  the 
next  line  tends  to  carry  the  rhythm  with  it,  and  thus  the  pauses  in  the 
rhythm  or  time  of  the  verse,  instead  of  coming  always  at  the  end,  come 
in  other  parts  of  the  line. 

5.  A  syllable  slurred,  "Provided  there  be  only  one  accented 
syllable,  there  may  be  more  than  two  syllables  in  any  foot.  *  It  is  he' 
is  as  much  a  foot  as  '  'tis  he ' ;  '  we  will  serve '  as  *  we'll  serve ' ;  *  it  is 
ovef '  as  '  'tis  o'er.' 

"Naturally  it  is  among  pronouns  and  the  auxiliary  verbs  that  we  must 
look  for  unemphatic  syllables  in  the  Shakespearian  verse.  Sometimes 
the  unemphatic  nature  of  the  syllable  is  indicated  by  a  contraction  in 
the  spelling.  Often,  however,  syllables  may  be  dropped  or  slurred  in 
sound,  although  they  are  expressed  to  the  sight"  (Abbott). 

1  The  overflow  is  helped  by  the  use  of  "light"  and  "weak"  endings  to  a  line. 
"  Light  endings"  are  monosyllables  on  which  "  the  voice  can  to  a  small  extent  dwell" : 
such  as  the  parts  of  the  auxiliary  verbs,  be^  have^  willy  shall^  can^  do;  pronouns  like 
/,  we^  tJioUy  yoUy  he,  she,  ihey,  who,  which y  etc. ;  and  conjunctions  such  as  when, 
zuhere,  while.  "Weak  endings"  are  those  monosyllables  over  which  the  voice  passes 
with  practically  no  stress  at  all — e.g.  the  prepositions  at,  by,  for,  from,  in,  of  on,  to, 
with;  also  and,  but,  if  nor,  or,  than,  that:  all  words  which  go  very  closely  with 
what  follows  and  therefore  link  the  end  of  one  line  with  the  beginning  of  the  next. 
The  use  of  these  endings  belongs  to  the  later  plays.  "Light  endings"  are  first 
numerous  (21)  in  Macbeth  (1606),  and  "weak  endings"  (28)  in  Antony  and  Cleopatra 
(1608).  Some  of  the  early  plays  have  neither  "light  endings"  nor  "  weak.'*  Some 
have  a  very  few  "light  endings."  Of  "weak  endings"  no  play  has  more  than  two 
up  till  Antony  and  Cleopatra.  The  proportion  of  these  endings — "light"  and 
"weak" — is  therefore  another  of  the  metrical  tests  applied  to  the  later  plays  (Ingram). 



This  principle  that  two  unstressed  syllables  may  go  in  the  same  foot 
with  one  stressed  syllable  is  very  important  because  feet  so  composed 
have  a  rapid,  almost  trisyllable  effect  which  tends  much  to  vary  the 
normal  line.    Examples  are  : 

*'Let  us  I  be  sa|crifl(cers),  |  but  not  but|chers,  Cai(us)"  (ii.  i.  i66). 
"I  was  sure  |  your  lord  |  ship  did  |  not  give  |  it  me"  (iv.  3.  254). 
"Let  me  see,  |  let  me  see;  |  is  not  |  the  leaf  |  tum'ddown?"  (iv.  3.  273). 
This  licence  is  specially  characteristic  of  the  later  plays.  Compare 
"But  that  I  the  sea,  |  mounting  |  to  the^  w^eljkin's  cheek" 

(The  Tempest y  i.  2,  4). 
'*And  here  |  was  left  |  by  the  sail|ors.    Thoii,  |  n\y  slave  " 

(The  Tempest^  i.  2,  270). 
'*Hirn  that  |  you  term'd,  sir,  |  *The  good  |  old  lord,  |  Gonzajlo'" 

(The  Tempest,  v.  i.  15). 
*'My  Rejgan  coun|sels  well:  |  come  out  |  o'  the  storm" 

(King  Leary  ii.  4.  312). 
the  last  |  night's  storm  |  I  such  |  a  felilow  saw" 

(King  Lear,  iv.  i.  34). 
6.    Omissions.    After  a  pause  or  interruption  there  is  sometimes  an 
omission  (a)  of  an  unstressed  syllable  (oftenest  in  the  first  foot),  or  (b)  of 
a  stress,  or  (c)  even  of  a  whole  foot. 

*'It  is  obvious"  (says  Abbott)  "that  a  syllable  or  foot  may  be 
supplied  by  a  gesture,  as  beckoning,  a  movement  of  the  head  to  listen, 
or  of  the  hand  to  demand  attention":  or  the  blank  may  be  accounted 
for  by  an  interruption,  such  as  the  entrance  of  another  character,  or  by 
a  marked  pause  or  break  in  the  sense.  Compare 
(iz)  **Ma^ny  years  |  of  happy  days  |  befal"  (Richard  IL  I.  i.  20). 
**Then  |  the  whi|ning  schooljboy  with  |  his  sat|chel" 

(As  YoM  Like  Lt,  ii.  7.  145). 

(b)  "Flattejrers  I  \Tiirns  to  Brutus']  \  Now  Bnijtus  thank  |  yourself!" 

(V.  I.  45)- 

**  Messa|la  !  \_Messala  turns  and  salutes']  \  What  says  |  my  gen|eral?  " 

(V.  I.  70.) 

(c)  **He'sta'en;  |  \Shout]  \  and,  hark!  |  they  shout  |  for  joy"  (v.  3.  32). 

"  a  paljtry  ring 

That  she  |  did  give  me,  |  [Latighs  contemptuously]  \  whose  pOjSy 
was"  (The  Merchant  of  Venice^  V.  i.  147,  148). 

1  Sometimes  in  such  cases  ihe  Folio  prints  th\  showing  that  the  word  was  meant 
to  be  sliured  (Abbott). 



7.  Lines  of  irregular  length,  Shakespeare  uses  lines  of  three  feet 
often  (l.  ^,  23,  161,  306  etc.) ;  less  frequently,  lines  of  two  feet  (11.  i.  62), 
especially  to  break  the  course  of  some  passionate  speech  (i.  2.  177; 
V.  3.  37);  half-lines  occasionally;  brief  questions  and  exclamations,  which 
metrically  need  not  count ;  and  rarely  lines  with  six  strong  stresses,  i.e. 
Alexandrines^  (the  type  of  verse  which  ends  each  stanza  in  The  Faerie 

As  a  rule,  the  use  of  a  short  line  corresponds  with  something  in  the 
sense,  e.g.  a  break  (as  at  the  end  of  a  speech),  agitation,  conversational 
effect  of  question  and  answer,  strong  emphasis.  Thus  in  I.  3.  71  and  73 
we  feel  (as  Abbott  says)  that  Cassius  pauses  to  look  round  and  see  that 
he  is  not  overheard,  and  also  to  notice  the  effect  of  his  words  on  Casca. 
In  II.  I.  62  Brutus  pauses  as  a  thought  strikes  him;  in  306  of  the  same 
scene  there  is  the  emphasis  of  a  solemn  promise.  In  ii.  4.  16  Portia's 
agitation  is  manifest.  At  the  close  of  a  speech  a  short  line  gives  perhaps 
greater  emphasis  (ill.  i.  48),  and  certainly  variety. 

There  is,  I  think,  no  genuine  Alexandrine  in  Julius  Ccesar.  There 
are  several  lines  which  look  like  Alexandrines  (**  apparent  Alexandrines," 
as  Abbott  calls  them)  but  which  on  examination  are  found  not  to  have 
six  unmistakeable  stresses.  Thus  in  each  of  the  following  lines  one 
syllable  or  more  can  be  slurred  or  elided  or  treated  as  extra-metrical. 

{a)      Set  h6n|our  In  |  one  eye,  |  and  death  |  i'  th'  6th(er) "  (i.  2.  86). 

(^)    **  To  mask  |  thy  m6n|strous  vis(age).  |  Seek  none  |  conspi(racy)" 

(II.  I.  81). 

(r)  **Our  pur|pose  nec|essa|ry  ind  |  not  en(vious) "  (il.  i.  178). 
[d]    **  And  talk  1 1*  you  s6me(times)  ?  |  Dwell  1 1  but  in  |  the  sub(urbs) ?  " 

(II.  I.  285). 

Here  the  curious  rhythm  reflects  Portia's  agitation, 
(tf)    "And  these  |  does  she  |  apply  |  for  warn(ings),  |  and  por (tents) ' 

(11.  2.  80). 

Dr  Abbott,  however,  seems  to  class  this  line  as  an  Alexandrine  in 
which  portent  has  the  Latin  accentuation  portint, 
(/)    **  Will  come  |  when  it  |  will  come.  | 

What  say  |  the  au(gureis)?" 

(II.  2.  37). 

*  So  called  either  from  Alexandre  Paris,  an  old  French  poet,  or  from  the  Roman 
Alexandre y  a  12th  century  poem  about  Alexander  tlie  Great,  written  in  rhymed 
lines  of  six  feet,  in  couplets.    It  is  the  metre  of  French  tragedy  (e.g.  of  the  tragedies 
of  Racine  and  Corneille). 



{g)    **  Popiljius  Lejna  speaks  |  not  of  |  our  pur(poses)  "  (ill.  i.  23). 

The  s  of  the  plural  and  possessive  cases  of  nouns  of  which  the 
singxilar  ends  in  s,  se,  ss,  ct  and  ge  is  often  not  sounded,  being  absorbed 
into  the  preceding  5  sound  (Abbott). 

(h)  "There's  not  |  a  n6|bler  man  |  in  Rome  |  than  An(tony)" 

(ill.  2.  121). 

(i)  **That  made  |  them  d6't.  |  They're  wise  |  and  h6n'|rable" 

(ill.  2.  218). 

(y)     "Come  to  I  our  tent,  |  till  we  |  have  done  |  our  c6nf('rence)^ " 

(IV.  2.  51). 

Again,  some  seemingly  six-foot  lines  are  really  "trimeter  couplets": 
that  is,  "  couplets  of  two  verses  of  three  accents  each... often  thus  printed 
as  two  separate  short  verses  in  the  Folio.... Shakespeare  seems  to  have 
used  this  metre  mostly  for  rapid  dialogue  and  retort,  and  in  comic  and 
the  lighter  kind  of  serious  poetry"  (Abbott).  Generally  some  notion 
of  division  is  suggested.  Examples  of  these  couplets  in  Julius  Ccesar 
are  :  I.  2.  114  (where  a  comparison  is  divided  equally  between  the  two 
parts);  II.  4.  32  (where  the  equal  division  represents  the  antithesis); 
and  II.  2.  118;  III.  I.  116;  V.  I.  108.  Each  of  the  last  three  is 
divided  between  the  speakers  (as  is  often  the  case  with  the  trimeter 
couplet);  there  being  an  extra  syllable  in  one  half  of  II.  2.  118  and 
V.  I.  108. 

These,  then,  are  the  chief  modes  by  which  Shakespeare  diversifies 
the  structure  of  regular  blank  verse.  Their  general  result  has  been 
well  summed  up  thus :  that  they  make  the  effect  of  Shakespeare's 
maturer  blank  verse  rather  rhythmical  than  rigidly  metrical,  i.  e.  more  a 
matter  of  stresses  distributed  with  endless  variety  than  of  syllables 
previously  calculated  and  accented  according  to  a  normal  standard. 
Every  student  should  grasp  these  variations  thoroughly,  particularly  the 
first  five,  and  observe  the  illustrations  of  them  that  occur  in  any  play 
(especially  the  later  plays)  that  he  may  be  studying. 

And  he  must,  of  course,  remember  that  scansion  depends  much  on 
the  way  in  which  a  writer  abbreviates  or  lengthens  sounds,  as  the  metre 

1  The  symbol  '  is  intended  to  show  that  a  vowel  is  ignored  in  the  scansion, 
though  it  may  be  heard  more  or  less  in  pronunciation.  There  is  no  means  of  marking 
the  different  degrees  of  slurring ;  thus,  confWence  represents  with  fair  accuracy  the 
pronunciation  which  must  be  given  to  conference  in  this  line,  whereas  the  symbol  ' 
would  over-emphasise  the  slurring  sound  required  in  conspiracy  in  (^). 



Abbreviation  comprises  all  the  cases  in  which  a  syllable  does  not 
count  metrically — whether  it  be  elided  ^,  contracted,  or  slurred  Many 
abbreviations  belong  to  everyday  speech,  others  to  poetical  usage. 

Of  lengthening  of  sounds  the  most  important  example  is  the  scansion 
of  a  monosyllable  as  a  whole  foot  ^. 

For  full  details  the  student  must  refer  to  the  standard  authority,  viz. 
Dr  Abbott's  Shakespearian  Grammar^  pp.  344 — 387. 

III.   Shakespeare's  use  of  Rhyme. 

In  his  early  plays  Shakespeare  uses  the  rhymed  couplet^  very 
largely ;  but  gradually  the  amount  of  rhyme  declines,  so  that  the  pro- 
portion of  rhymed  couplets  in  a  piece  is  one  of  the  surest  indications  of 
the  period  to  which  it  belongs. 

Is  there  much  rhyme?  the  play  is  early. 
Is  there  little  rhyme?  the  play  is  late. 
"In  Lovers  Labour's  Lost  there  are  about  two  rhymed  lines  to  every  one 
of  blank  verse.    In  The  Comedy  of  Errors  there  are  380  rhymed  lines 
to  1 1 50  unrhymed.    In  The  Tempesi  i-wo  rhymed  lines  occur;  in  The 
Winter^ s  Tale  not  one  "  (Dowden). 

In  applying  the  rhyme  test  we  must  exclude  the  cases  where  there  is 
a  special  reason  for  the  use  of  rhyme.  Thus  the  rhyme  of  the  Masque 
in  Act  IV.  of  The  Tempest  has  no  bearing  whatsoever  on  the  date  of  the 
play,  because  Masques  were  usually  written  in  rhymed  measures.  Simi- 
larly all  songs  such  as  we  get  in  As  You  Like  Ity  The  Tempest^  and  The 
Winter's  Tale  must,  of  course,  be  excluded. 

Let  us  consider  for  a  moment  the  reasons  which  led  Shakespeare  to 
adopt  l)lank  verse  and  gradually  abandon  rhyme. 

As  a  medium  of  dramatic  expression  blank  verse,  of  the  varied 
Shakespearian  type,  has  these  points  of  superiority  over  rhyme : 

I.  Naturalness.  Rhyme  is  artificial.  It  reminds  us,  therefore, — 
perhaps  I  should  say,  never  lets  us  forget — that  the  play  is  a  play, 
—fiction  and  not  reality — because  in  real  life  people  do  not  converse  in 

^  Cf.  the  occasional  elision  of  the  and  to  before  a  vowel,  e.g.  **  Th*  ambi|tious 
<S|cean  swell"  etc.  (i.  3.  7);  *'  7"envel|ope  and  |  contain  j  ceMsltial  spirits"  {Henry 
V.  I.  I.  31). 

2  Cf.  the  footnote  on  p.  208. 

^  Cf.  hours{\\,  2.  121),  mark  (iii.  i.  i8),  "As  fire'^  (iii.  i.  171 — see  note),  "the 
wiW  (ill.  2.  153),        (iv.  3.  9),  one  (iv.  3.  179). 
*  i.e.  of  five  feet  in  each  line;  cf.  i,  2.  325,  326. 

V,  J.  C. 



rhyme.  Especially  in  moments  of  great  emotion  does  rhyme  destroy 
the  illusion  of  reality:  we* cannot  conceive  of  Lear  raving  at  Goneril 
in  rhymed  couplets.  Blank  verse  on  the  other  hand  has  something 
of  the  naturalness  of  conversation,  and  naturalness  is  a  very  great  help 
towards  making  fiction  appear  like  truth. 

2.  Freedom,  The  necessity  of  rhjrming  imposes  restraint  upon  a 
writer  such  as  blank  verse  obviously  does  not  involve,  and  often  forces 
him  to  invert  the  order  of  words  or  even  to  use  a  less  suitable  word.  The 
rhythm  too  of  the  rhymed  couplet  tends  strongly  to  confine  the  sense 
within  the  limits  of  the  couplet,  whereas  in  the  blank  verse  of  a  skilful 
writer  the  sense  runs  on "  easily  from  line  to  line.  In  fact,  in  the 
rhymed  couplet  the  verse  is  apt  to  dominate  the  sense ;  while  in  blank 
verse  the  sense  finds  unfettered  expression.  And  so  blank  verse  has  not 
only  something  of  the  naturalness  but  also  something  of  the  freedom  of 

3.  Variety »  In  a  paragraph  of  rhymed  couplets  the  pauses  in  the 
sense  and  therefore  in  the  rhythm  are  monotonous.  We  constantly 
have  a  pause  at  the  end  of  the  first  line  and  almost  always  a  pause  at 
the  end  of  the  second.  With  the  uniformity  of  a  passage  composed  in 
this  form  contrast  the  varied  rhythms  of  such  blank  verse  as  that  of  The 
Tempest^  where  the  pauses  are  distributed  with  ever-changing  diversity 
of  cadence. 

Again,  the  rhyme  of  a  long  narrative  poem  when  read,  or  of  a  short 
lyric  when  recited,  has  a  pleasing  effect ;  but  in  a  long  spell  of  spoken 
verse  I  think  that  the  sound  of  rhyme,  though  at  first  agreeable  to  it, 
gradually  tires  the  ear. 

What  rhyme  we  do  get  in  Shakespeare's  later  plays  is  mainly  at  the 
end  of  a  scene,  when  it  serves  to  indicate  the  conclusion,  and  (less 
commonly)  at  the  close  of  a  long  speech,  when  it  forms  a  kind  of 
climax.  As  to  the  former  use  (cf.  i.  2.  325,  326,  note)  Dr  Abbott  says  : 
Rhyme  was  often  used  as  an  effective  termination  at  the  end  of  the 
scene.  When  the  scenery^  was  not  changed,  or  the  arrangements  were 
so  defective  that  the  change  was  not  easily  perceptible,  it  was,  perhaps, 
additionally  desirable  to  mark  that  a  scene  was  finished. " 

And  just  as  rhyme  often  marks  the  close  of  a  scene,  so  it  sometimes 
marks  the  close  of  a  chapter  in  a  man's  career,  and  suggests  farewell. 

1  There  was  no  movable  scenery;  the  only  outward  indication  of  the  locality 
intended  was  some  stage  *  property' — e.g.  "a  bed  to  signify  a  bed-chamber;  a  table 
with  pens  upon  it  to  signify  a  connting-honse ;  or  a  board  bearing  in  large  letters  the 
name  of  the  place" — Dowden. 



A  striking  exami)le  of  lliis  use  of  rhyme  occurs  in  As  You  Like  It^ 
II.  3.  67 — 76,  where  old  Adam  and  Orlando,  about  to  set  forth  on 
their  expedition,  severally  bid  farewell  to  their  former  life.  Similarly 
in  Richard  II,  ii.  2.  142 — 149,  the  rhyme  expresses  the  feeling  of 
the  King's  favourites  that  their  period  of  prosperity  is  over  and  they 
are  parting  for  ever ;  while  in  v.  5.  no — 119,  it  emphasises  the  tragedy 
of  the  close  of  Richard's  life.  Again,  in  King  Lear  (a  comparatively 
late  play,  1605 — 1606)  the  banished  Kent  is  made  to  use  rhyme  in  his 
leave-taking  (i.  i.  183 — 190). 

One  other  noticeable  purpose  of  rhyme  is  found  in  plays  as  late  as 
Othello  (about  1604)  and  Lear^  viz.  to  express  moralising  reflections  on 
life  and  give  them  a  sententious,  epigrammatic  effect.  Dowden 
instances  Othello^  i.  3.  202 — 219,  and  ii.  i.  149 — 161.  This  use  of 
rhyme  is  natural  because  proverbial  wisdom  so  often  takes  a  rhymed 
form.    Maxims  stick  better  in  the  memory  when  they  are  rhymed. 

IV.   Shakespeare's  use  ^  of  Prose. 

Prose  is  used  in  the  following  scenes  of  Julius  Ccesar :  I.  i ;  I.  2 ; 
II.  3;  III.  2;  III.  3. 

Of  these  five  instances  the  second — Casca's  description  of  the  offer 
of  the  crown  to  Caesar — illustrates  the  most  important  use  to  which 
Shakespeare  puts  prose  in  his  plays,  viz.  as  a  colloquial  medium  of 
expression.  It  is  always  instructive  to  note  how  in  parts  where  a 
conversational,  not  tragic  or  poetical,  effect  is  desired,  verse  gives  place 
to  prose,  and  vice  vers&\  and  how  characters  which  are  viewed  in  a 
wholly  tragic  or  poetical  light  normally  use  verse  alone.  Thus  in  this 
particular  scene  (l.  2),  while  Casca  gives  his  description  in  prose, 
Brutus  and  Cassius  make  their  comments  and  questions  in  verse ;  and 
Casca  himself  speaks  entirely  in  verse  at  his  next  appearance,  where  the 
interest  is  purely  tragic  and  his  own  inner  character  is  revealed  under 
stress  of  the  agitation  roused  by  the  storm. 

Prose  is  commonly  assigned  by  Shakespeare  to  characters  of  humble 
position.  It  is  the  normal  medium  in  scenes  of  "  low  life."  Hence  the 
contrast  drawn  in  I.  i  between  the  speech  of  '*  the  citizens"  and  of  the 
Tribunes ;  and  the  similar  contrast  in  ill.  3,  where  the  transition  from 

1  Stricdy,  it  does  not  come  under  the  heading  "metre"  ;  but  it  is  convenient  to 
treat  the  subject  here.    See  Abbott,  p.  429, 

14^ — -2 



verse  at  the  entry  of  the  turbulent  crowd  is  marked.  A  different  sort 
of  contrast  accounts  for  the  prose  of  Brutus's  speech  (ill.  2,  12 — 38, 

Another  conspicuous  use  of  prose  in  Shakespeare  is  for  comic  parts 
and  the  speech  of  comic  characters  like  the  Clowns  of  the  Comedies, 
e.g.  Touchstone  in  As  You  Like  It^  who  never  drops  into  blank  verse. 
This  use  does  not  occur  in  Julius  Ccesar  as  it  has  no  humorous  element. 

Other  minor  uses  of  prose  by  Shakespeare  are  for  letters  (ii.  3. 
I — 10),  proclamations,  etc.,  and  occasionally  (as  though  even  blank 
verse  were  too  artificial)  for  the  expression  of  extreme  emotion  and 
mental  derangement  (cf.  King  Lear,  III.  4). 


The  following  elementary  hints  are  intended  to  remind  young 
students  of  some  simple  but  important  facts  which  they  are  apt  to 
forget  when  asked  to  explain  points  of  grammar  and  idiom  in  Shake- 
speare's English. 

To  begin  with,  avoid  using  the  word  **  mistake  "  in  connection  with 
Shakespearian  English.  Do  not  speak  of  "Shakespeare's  mistakes." 
In  most  cases  the  mistake"  will  be  yours,  not  his.  Remember  that 
things  in  his  English  which  appear  to  us  irregular  may  for  the  most 
part  be  explained  by  one  of  two  principles  : — 

( 1 )  1  he  difference  between  Elizabethan  and  modern  English ; 

(2)  The  difference  between  spoken  and  written  English. 

(i)  As  to  the  former :  what  is  considered  bad  English  now  may 
have  been  considered  good  English  in  Shakespeare's  time.  Language 
must  change  in  the  space  of  300  years.  Elizabethan  English,  recollect, 
contains  an  element  of  Old  English,  i.e.  inflected  English  that  had 
case-endings  for  the  nouns,  terminations  for  the  verbs,  and  the  like. 
By  the  end  of  the  i6th  century  most  of  these  inflections  had  died  out, 
but  some  survived,  and  the  influence  of  the  earlier  inflected  stage  still 
affected  the  language.  Often  when  we  enquire  into  the  history  of  some 
Elizabethan  idiom  which  seems  to  us  curious  we  find  that  it  is  a  relic  of 
an  old  usage.    Let  us  take  an  example. 

There  are  numerous  cases  in  Shakespeare  where  a  verb  in  the 
present  tense  has  the  inflection  -s,  though  the  subject  is  plural ;  cf.  the 
following  lines  in  Richard  II.  ii.  3.  4,  5  : 

These  high  wild  hills  and  rough  uneven  ways 
Draws  out  our  miles,  and  makes  them  wearisome." 

The  verbs  draws  and  makes  appear  to  be  singular  :  but  they  are  not. 
Each  is  plural,  agreeing  with  its  plural  antecedents  hills  and  ways;  and 
s  =  es  is  the  plural  inflection  of  the  present  tense  used  in  the  Northern 
dialect  of  Old  English.    In  the  Southern  dialect  the  inflection  was  eih; 


in  the  Midland  en,  When  Shakespeare  was  bom  all  three  forms  were 
getting  obsolete  ;  but  all  three  are  found  in  his  works,  ^rM^  and  en'^ 
very  rarely,  es  or  s  many  limes.  His  use  of  the  last  is  a  good  illustration 
(a)  of  the  difference^  between  Shakespearian  and  modem  English, 
\b)  of  one  of  the  main  causes  of  that  difference — viz.  the  influence  of  a 
still  earlier  inflected  English. 

(2)  A  dramatist  makes  his  characters  speak,  and  tells  his  story 
through  their  mouths  :  he  is  not  like  a  historian  who  writes  the  story 
in  his  own  words.  The  English  of  a  play  which  is  meant  to  be  spoken 
must  nut  be  judged  by  the  same  standard  as  the  English  of  a  History 
wliich  is  meant  to  be  read.  For  consider  how  much  more  correct  and 
regular  in  style  a  book  usually  is  than  a  speech  or  a  conversation.  In 
speaking  we  begin  a  sentence  one  way  and  we  may  finish  it  in  another, 
some  fresh  idea  strikuig  us  or  some  mterruption  occurring.  Speech  is 
liable  to  constant  changes,  swift  turns  of  thought ;  it  leaves  things  out, 
supplying  the  omission,  very  likely,  with  a  gestm-e  ;  it  often  combines 
two  forms  of  expression.  But  a  writer  can  correct  and  polish  his 
composition  until  all  irregularities  are  removed.  Spoken  English 
therefore  is  less  regular-*  than  written  Englisli ;  and  it  is  to  this  very 
irregularity  that  Shakespeare's  plays  owe  something  of  their  lifelike 
realit)%  If  Shakespeare  made  his  characters  speak  with  the  correctness 
of  a  copybook  we  should  regard  them  as  mere  puppets,  not  as  living 

Here  is  a  passage  taken  from  Henry  V.  (iv.  5.  34 — 36)  ;  suppose 
that  comment  on  its  ^'grammatical  pecuharities"  is  required: 
"Rather  proclaim  it... 
That  he  w^hich  hath  no  stomach  to  this  fight, 
Let  him  depart." 

Two  things  strike  us  at  once — "he  which'^  and  "That  he... let  him 
depart,"  '*He  whuh^'  is  now  bad  English;  then  it  was  quite  regular 
English.  The  student  should  say  that  the  usage  was  correct  in 
Elizabethan  English,  and  give  some  illustration  of  it.  The  Prayer- Book 
will  supply  him  \vith  a  very  familiar  one. 

"That  he... let  him  depart."    A  prose-writer  would  have  finished 

1  Cf.  ^lath  amd  doth  used  as  plurals. 

*  Cf.  xvax-en  in  Midsumnier-Xighfs  Dream^  11.  i.  56:  see  G.  to  that  play. 

*  Another  aspect  of  it  is  the  free  Elizabethan  use  of  participial  and  adjectival 
terminations.  Cf.  * ' insuppressi ve,**  IL  1.  134;  "unnumbered,"  iii.  i.  63;  "unmerit- 
able/'  IV.  I.  12, 

*  Note  ihe  irregular  sequence  of  leuses  in  Shakespeare ;  cf.  11.  2.  12  (uole). 


with  the  regular  sequence  ^^may  depart."  But  Henry  V.  is  supposed 
to  say  the  words  ;  and  at  the  moment  he  is  deeply  stirred.  Emotion 
leads  him  to  pass  suddenly  from  indirect  to  direct  speech.  The 
conclusion,  though  less  regular,  is  far  more  vivid.  This  brief  passage 
therefore  exemplifies  the  difference  [a)  between  Elizabethan  English  and 
our  own,  {b)  between  spoken  English  and  written.  It  is  useful  always 
to  consider  whether  the  one  principle  or  the  other  can  be  applied. 

Three  general  features  of  Shakespeare's  English  should  be  observed : — 

(1)  its  brevity, 

(2)  its  emphasis, 

(3)  its  tendency  to  interchange  part^  of  speech. 

(1)  Brevity :  Shakespeare  often  uses  terse,  elliptical  turns  of  expres- 
sion. The  following  couplet  is  from  Troilus  and  Cressida  (i.  3.  287,  288) : 

"And  may  that  soldier  a  mere  recreant  prove 
That  means  not,  hath  not,  or  is  not  in  lovel" 
Put  fully,  the  second  line  would  run,  "That  means  not  to  be^  hath  not 
been^  or  is  not  in  love."    Cf.  again  Richard  II.  v.  5.  26,  27  : 

'*Who  sitting  in  the  stocks  refuge  their  shame, 
That  many  have  and  others  must  sit  there"; 
i.e.  'console  themselves  with  the  thought  that  many  have  sat  there.' 
This  compactness  of  diction  is  very  characteristic  of  Shakespeare.  For 
note  that  the  omission  of  the  italicised  words,  while  it  shortens  the  form 
of  expression,  does  not  obscure  the  sense,  since  the  words  are  easily 
supplied  from  the  context.  That  is  commonly  the  case  with  Shake- 
speare's ellipses  or  omissions :  they  combine  brevity  with  clearness.  See 
I.  I.  50,  II.  I.  125,  III.  I.  39,  40,  III.  2.  125,  IV.  3.  79,  80;  and  for 
omission  of  the  relative  pronoun,  a  frequent  and  important  ellipse^ 
cf.  I.  3.  138,  II.  I.  309,  II.  2.  14,  16,  III.  I.  65,  III.  2.  231,  232  (with  the 

(2)  Emphasis:  common  examples  of  this  are  the  double  negative 
(11.  I.  231,  237,  III.  I.  91),  and  the  double  comparative  or  superlative. 
Cf.  III.  I.  121,  III.  1.  187;  The  Tempest,  I.  2.  19,  20,  **I  am  more 
better  than  Prosper©";  The  Winter'' s  Tale^  III.  2.  180,  **most  worst." 

(3)  Parts  of  speech  interchanged :  "almost  any  part  of  speech  can 
be  used  as  any  other  part  of  speech"  (Abbott).  Cf.  **stale"  (verb),  i.  2. 
73;  "like"  (noun),  I.  2.  315;  "conceit"  (verb),  I.  3.  162,  ill.  i.  192; 
*'path"  (verb),  ii.  1.  83;  "nothing"  (adverb),  I.  2.  162;  "carrion" 
(adjective),  ill.  i.  275;  '*deep"  (noun),  iv.  3.  226;  "ni^^gard"  (verb), 
IV.  3.  228. 


This  list  applies  to  the  Notes  only;  ivords  of  which  longer  explana- 
Hons  are  given  will  be  found  in  the  Glossary,  The  references  are  to  the 

Abbreviations ; — 
adv.  =  adverb.       n.  —  noun.       trans.  =  transitive.       vb  =  verb. 

abide  132 
abjects  (n.)  137 
accidental  141 
after  (adv.)  96 
against  104 
alliance  137 
along  = 'long  143 
amaze  124 
angel  133 

answer  (vb)  132,  137,  144 
apply  for  119 
apt  125 

as  this  very  day  146 

base  no 
basis  124 
battle  151 
bear  140,  148 
bear  hard  102,  115 
bear  it  115 
belike  134 
bend  (n.)  98 
bestow  153 
betimes  112 
bill  148 

bird  of  night  104 
blood  141 
blunt  102 
bosom  144 

break  with  113 
bring  104,  130 
business  125 
but  93,  124 

call  in  question  141 

ceremony  114,  117,  138 

chafe  97 

change  150 

charge  135,  136,  138 

check  140 

chew  upon  99 

chopped  =  chapt  10 1 

clepsydra,  water-clocks,  114 

cobbler  92 

cold  demeanour  148 

Colossus  98 

come  by  113,  n6 

comet  (an  omen)  118 

compact  127 

companion  141 

compass  149 

complexion  106 

conceit  126 

condition  115,  139 

confoimd  124 

conjurer  98 

conquest  92 

consort  (vb)  147 


constancy  115,  120 
constant  123 
constantly  147 
construe  96,  104,  116 
contagion  116 
content  138 
contributions  142 
contrive  120 
contriver  113 
coronet  10  r 
countenance  108 
crave  109 

cross  104,  141,  145 
cull  93 

damn  136 
dear  (adv.)  127 
deep  (n.)  143 
deliver  126 
deny  140 

dew  of  slumber  115 
directly  92,  135,  137 
dismember  113 
dismiss  106 
disrobe  93 
distract  141  , 
do  sacrifice  117 
dogs  of  war  129 
doublet  loi 
drachma  134 

enforce  130,  141 
enforced  138 
enfranchisement  122 
engage  112 
enlarge  138 
enrolled  J30 
ensign  149 
envious  133 
envy  113 
eternal  99 
even  113,  145 
exhalations  no 
exigent  145 
expedition  142 
extenuate  130 
extreraities  no 

face  144 
factious  106 

fall  125,  128,  147 
fall  (trans,  vb)  138 
familiar  instances  138 
fantasy  115,  135 
fearful  bravery  144 
fellow  123,  150 
field  145,  153 
figure  115 

fire  drives  out  fire  126 

fond  122 

fool  (vb)  105 

form  138 

formal  115 

former  147 

freeman  150 

from  105,  114 

funerals  151 

gamesome  95 
general  109 
genius  i i i 
give  place  141 
given  100 
graybeards  ii8 
Greek  to  me  102 
grief  106 
grow  on  112 

hand  103 

have  some  aim  99 

health  140 

hearts  of  controversy  97 

heavy  116 

hedge  in  139 

high  east  112 

hilts  150 

hold  strong  146 

hold  thee  150 

hollow  138 

honey-heavy  r  1 5 

honour  130,  139 

honourable  1 33 

honourable  (adv.)  146 

honourable-dangerous  106 

hot  at  hand  138 

humour  116 

impatient  of  141 
in  =  on  137 
incense  (vb)  104 



indifleient  106 
indiffeit'ully  97 
infirmities  140 
in  our  stars  98 
in  respect  of  92 
in  sport  j  24 
instance  138 
intermit  93 
in  use  128 

-iotty  termination  loa 
issue  129 
itching  palm  139 

jealous  96,  99 
just  132 

justice*  sake  139 

labouring  day  92 
last,  not  least  126 
laudatio  funebris  at  Rome  127, 

law  of  children  122 

leaden  143 

lest  that  124 

lethe  127 

liable  119 

lie  129 

light  149 

like  (n.)  102 

limbs  128 

lover  120,  130 

lusty  97 

main  114 
make  forth  145 
make  head  137 
make  to  122 
mar  133 

market-place  =  the  Forum  101 

mart  139 

may  iii 

mean  (n.)  125 

meat  99 

mechanical  91 

misc6nstrued  150 

mistrust  150 

mock  (n.)  119 

modesty  127 

monstrous  105 

mortal  instruments  11  j 

muitified  J17 
most  boldest  125 
most  unkindest  133 
motion  1 1 1 
move  140 

new-added  142 
niggard  (vb)  143 
note  (vb)  139 
nothing  (adv.)  99 
notice  134 

obscurely  103 
observe  140 
occupation  101 
o'erw^atched  143 
of=by  123 
offence  142 
office  152 
of  force  142 
omit  142 
once  142 

on  the  hazard  146 
on  the  spur  149 
opinion  113 
ordinance  105 

palter  H2 
part  (vb)  153 
path  (vb)  1 1 1 
phantasma  in 
Philippi  fields  152 
piece  out  no 
pitch  94 
pleasures  134 
porch  106 
power  137,  141 
prefer  153 
present  117 
presently  122 
prevent  148 
prevention  122 
prick  127 
proceed  100,  126 
prodigious  105 
produce  127 
proof  1 10 

proscription  at  Rome 
providence  148 
public  chair  131 


pulpit  123 
purger  1  14 
push  1 48 
put  by  ioi 
put  on  115 

question  130 

rank  125 
rear  122 
reason  with  147 
regard  127,  138,  149 
remains  152 
remorse  109 
render  126 
replication  93 
resolve  133 
iespect  96,  140,  153 
right  118 

Rome... room  (woid-piay)  99 
round  1 10 
rude  130 
rumour  120 

saving  of  149 
scandal  (vb)  96 
scarf  102 
schedule  121 
scolding  104 
scope  140 
senseless  93 
serve  121 
several  113,  152 
severally  129 
shadow  96 
shape  116 
sign  of  battle  144 
sleeve  100 
slight  136 
so  125 
sober  138 
soil  96 
sort  93 
sound  98 
spleen  140 
stale  (vb)  96 
stand  close  106 
stand  on  117 
stand  upon  124 
star  98 

stare  J44 
stale  99 
statue  1 18 
stay  1 48 
stay  by  155 
stem  97 
slenlc  cuLsc  95 
still  125 
stole  I J  5 
stomach  146 
store  137 
strain  [46 
strange  95 
stretch  137 
sudden  122 
sufferance  105 
sway  104 

swear  (trans,  vb)  112,  149 

take  thought  114 
tardy  form  102 
taste  137 
temper  98 
tend  103 
tending  to  131 
the  state  of  man  iii 
the  which  129 
thews  105 
thought  114 
thunder  stone  104 
Tiber  banks  93 
tide  of  times  128 
tidings  141 
tincture,  119 
to  wife  1 16 
touch  121 
tributaries  92 
true  man  10 1 
turn  him  going  135 

unbraced  104,  116 
undergo  106 
unfirm  104 
unluckily  135 
unto  105 

upon  127,  134,  141 
use  118 

ventures  142 
virtue  ij6,  153 


wafture  115 
warn  144 
waste  142 
watch  143 
way  120 
weighing  112 
what  112 
when  that  132 

whether  =  whe'er  93,  150,  151 
whole  r  i  7 
wind  (vb)  137 
wit  133 

withal  92 

woe  the  while  105 
word  149,  152 
work  99 
worthy  138 
wreath  of  victory  150 
wrong  128 

yet  151 
yoke  105 

you  were  best  135 



Antony,  the  "masker"  loo 
Artemidorus  120 
Ate  128 

Brutus,  Decimus  (not  Decius)  107 

Brutus,  L.  Junius  99 

Brutus,  Marcus,  Praetor  95;  his 

love  of  study  143;  a  Stoic  141, 


Caesar,  Julius,  expert  in  swimming 
97 ;  his  eyes  98 ;  subject  to  epi= 
lepsy  loi ;  his  house  117;  his 
gardens  across  the  Tiber  134  ; 
his  body  burnt  134 

Calpurnia  94 

Capitol  121  ;  stairs  to  122 
Casca  99 

Cassius,     appearance    of    100 ; 

brother-in-law  of  Brutus  1 1 1  ; 

** choleric"  140;  an  Epicurean 

146  ;    weak-sighted    149  ;  in 

Parthia  149 
Cato,  Uticensis  148  ;  his  son  151 
Cicero,  his  "ferret  eyes"  100; 

fondness  for  Greek  loi,  102; 

character  113;  victim  of  Antony 

J  28,  142 
Cimber,  Metellus  107 
Cinna,  L.  Cornelius  107 
Cinna,  Helvius,  the  poet  135 
Curia  Hostilia  129 

Erebus  in 

Flavius  151 
Forum  129 

Hybla  145 

Labeo  151 

Lepidus,  the  brother  of  the  Tri- 
umvir 136 
Ligarius  115 
Lupercalia  93,  94 

Nervii,  Caesar's  victory  over  133 

Octavius,  afterwards  the  Emperor 

Augustus  129 
Olympus  123,  140 

Parthians,  Caesar's  proposed  ex- 
pedition against  105 ;  their  de- 
feat of  Crassus  149 

Philippi  144 

Plutus,  identified  with  Pluto  140 
Pompey,  "great "  93 ;  his  sons  93  ; 

at  Pharsalia  146 
Pompey's  porch  106 ;  and  theatre 


Portia,  death  of  141 

Publius,  common  ^rcenomen  119 

Rhodes,  the  Colossus  at  98 
Rostra  123,  124 

Sambre,  battle  of  133 
Sardis  138 

Senate,  Caesar's  contempt  for  118 

Tarquin,  the  Proud  99,  no 
Thasos  151 
Titinius  150 
Trebonius  108 

Triumvirs,  meeting  of  near  Bo- 
nonia  135,  136;  their  Proscrip- 
tions 136 

Volumnius  152 


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Le  Roi  des  Montagnes 
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5  ) 


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Le  Verre  d'Eau 




Le  Philosophe  sans  le  savoir 




Un  Philosophe  sous  les  Toits 



Le  Serf  &  Le  Chevrier  de  Lorraine  Ropes 




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Stael,  Mme 



Xavier  de 



Masson  &  Prothero 


Le  Serf 

A  Primer  of  French  Verse 
de    Le  Directoire 

Dix  Annees  d'Exil  (Book  ii 

chapters  i — 8) 
Lettres   sur   I'histoire  de 

France  (xiii — xxiv) 
Recits  des  Temps  Merovin- 
giens,  I — III 
Lascaris  ou  les  Grecs  du  XV®  S  iccle 
Histoire  du  Siecle  de  Louis 

XIV,  in  three  parts     Masson  &  Prothero 
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Das  Bild  des  Kaisers 




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&  Cartmeil 

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Das  Jahr  1 8 1 3 




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Die  Ganerben  &  Die  Ge- 

rechtigkeit  Gottes 




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Le  Sage  &  Isla 













t  „ 

t  „ 



t  » 


GERMAN  continued. 

Geschichte  des  dreissigjah- 

rigen  Kriegs.     Book  III.  Breul 
Maria  Stuart  „ 
Wallenstein  I.  (Lager  and 

Piccolomini)  „ 
Wallenstein  II.  (Tod) 
Prinz  Eugen  von  Savoyen 
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German  Dactylic  Poetry 


Los  Ladrones  de  Asturias 


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Lady  of  the  Lake 


Lay  of  the  last  Minstrel 



Legend  of  Montrose 




Lord  of  the  Isles 




Old  Mortality 








The  Talisman 

A.  S.  Gaye 



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}  ) 

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King  Henry  V 






Shakespeare  &  Fletcher  Two  Noble  Kinsmen 




An  Apologie  for  Poetrie 




Fowre  Hymnes 

Miss  Winstanley  2/- 


Selected  Poems 

Miss  Thomson    i  /6 


Elements  of  English  Grammar 


>  J 

English  Grammar  for  Beginners 

>  J 

Key  to  English  Grammars 

3/6  net 


Short  History  of  British  India 



Elementary  Commercial  Geography 



Atlas  of  Commercial  Geography 



Church  Catechism  Explained 



The  Prayer  Book  Explained.    Part  I 



Ball  Elementary  Algebra  4/6 
fBlythe             Geometrical  Drawing 

Part  I  2/6 

Part  II  2/- 

Euclid              Books  i— vi,  xi,  xii  Taylor  5/- 

„                  Books  I — VI  „  4/- 

„                  Books  I— IV  „  3/- 
Also  separately 

„  Books  I,  &  11;  III,  &  IV;  V,  &  vi;  xi,  &  xil  1/6  each 

, ,  Solutions  to  Exercises  in  Taylor's 

Euclid  W,  W.  Taylor  10/6 

And  separately 

„                   Solutions  to  Bks  I — iv  a,  6/- 

M                   Solutions  to  Books  Vi.  XI  ,j  6/« 



MATHEMATICS  cmtinuid. 

Author  Work  Editor  Price 

Hol)son&  JesHop  Elementary  Plane  Trigonometry  4/6 

Loney  Elements  of  Statics  and  Dynamics  7/6 

Part  I.   Elements  of  Statics  4/6 

„    II.   Elements  of  Dynamics  3/6 

„  Elements  of  Hydrostatics  4/6 

Solutions  to  Examples,  Hydrostatics  5/- 

Solutions  of  Examples,  Statics  and  Dynamics  7/6 

,,  Mechanics  and  Hydrostatics  4/6 

f  Sanderson        Geometry  for  Young  Beginners  1/4 

Smith,  C.  Arithmetic  for  Schools,  with  or  without  answers  3/6 

„  Part  I.  Chapters  I — VI 1 1.  Elementary,  with 

or  without  answers  2/- 
„                    Part  II.    Chapters  IX— XX,  with  or  without 

ansv/ers  2/- 

Hale,  G.  Key  to  Smith's  Arithmetic  7/6 


fBidder  &  Baddeley  Domestic  Economy 

(The  Education  of  the  Young) 
\  from  the  Republic  of  Plato  j 
Aristotle  on  Education 
Life  and  Educational  Works 
General  Aims  of  the  Teacher  ) 
Form  Management  \ 
tHope  &  Browne  A  Manual  of  School  Hygiene 



S.  S.  Laurie 

I  vol. 



Thoughts  on  Education 
The  Making  of  Character 
Tractate  on  Education 
Theory  and  Practice  of  Teaching 

R.  H.  Quick 
O.  Browning 



A  Short  History  of  the  Greeks 

A  Short  History  of  the  Expansion  of 

the  British  Empire  (1500— 1902) 
An  Outline  History  of  the  British 

Empire  (1500— 1902) 



1/6  net 

C.  F.  CLAY,  Manager. 
2Lontron:  FETTER  LANE,  E.G. 
©lasfioaj;  50,  WELLINGTON  STREET. 

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